Shushtar’s waterworks in Iran

Lately, pictures of the Shushtar waterworks in Central Iran keep circulating, underscoring that they are registered as a UNESCO World Heritage Site. More importantly, they have been dated back to the 5^th century BC and were probably initiated by King Darius the Great. 

[Picture from Wikipedia]

Localizing Shushtar on a map is one thing, but linking it to a known city or river is another matter. Then I read that the water was diverted from the Karun River using manmade canals dug through the natural rock. 

The Karun River rings a bell as I spent a night in the city of Ahwaz, not far from Susa, and could see this river from my hotel room (see: The Zagros Mountains and the Persian Gates in Alexander’s footsteps). The memorable city of Susa (see: Susa with its unique glazed brick walls), where Alexander organized his lavish wedding ceremony in 324 BC, lies no more than three kilometers away from the Karun River (Pasitigris in antiquity), and joins the Tigris River further south. In those days, these waterways were navigable and a priceless connection to the Persian Gulf. 

The above makes me believe that Alexander must have seen this intricate water complex. Thanks to a systems of qanats (see: The qanats, one of the greatest inventions of mankind), the river provided water for domestic use and irrigation of the surrounding agricultural fields. Surprisingly, the main crop was sugar cane. 

Over the centuries, the infrastructure was improved with more canals, tunnels, dams, and watermills. In the early years of the Sassanid Empire, starting in 224 AD, Shushtar occupied an island in the middle of the Karun River and became the summer capital of the kings. The city was reachable from the east, west, and south through entrance gates and bridge crossings. 

Three large dams were built by the Sassanids between 224 and 651 AD. They regulated the river and the manmade channel’s flow to supply water to the city and cultural land around it. 

The largest dam, constructed by Roman soldiers and engineers, was about 500 meters long. It dates from 260 AD, shortly after the glorious victory of King Shapur I over the Roman Emperor Valerian (see: Sassanid reliefs tell a story of their own). The dam was the core structure of the Shushtar Water System. It is said to be the most eastern Roman construction of its kind. The bridge with Roman arches supported the road that led from Pasargadae to Ctesiphon, the capital of the Sassanid Empire (now in Iraq). 

To prevent erosion, the riverbed above the dam was paved with large slabs tied together with iron clamps. 

[Picture from Tehran Times]

The pictures of Shushtar reveal how impressive these waterworks were. Later Arab conquerors defined Shushtar as one of the wonders of the world.

The Cube of Zoroaster or the Ka’bah-i Zardusht at Naqsh-i Rustam

The Cube of Zoroaster, or the Ka’bah-i Zardusht or the Jail of Solomon, whatever its name is and whatever its function was, this building remains unique and enigmatic.

The fact is that we are looking at a tower-like construction set in front of the Royal Achaemenid Tombs and the victory reliefs of the Sassanid Kings at Naqsh-i Rustam near Persepolis. So far, it has been determined that it dates from the 5^th century BC (it is generally believed that it was built either under Darius the Great or Artaxerxes II) and is not a Zoroastrian shrine. A similar tower, but in a worse state of conservation, can be found at nearby Pasargadae and is being referred to as the Zendan-i Suleiman, translating to the Jail of Solomon. Not that Solomon ever was here, but the name may arise from a Persian tactic when the Arabs were invading the country in order to protect the Tomb of Cyrus the Great (calling it the tomb of Solomon’s Mother) and the tower (calling it the Jail of Solomon).

The square tower constructed with white limestone blocks is 12.5 meters high, and the sides are 7.25 meters wide, making it look rather sturdy. It stands on a 3-stepped plinth of 1.5 meters. A staircase of 30 steps leads to the stone entrance door, 1.9 meters high. The inside chamber of 3.7x3.7 meters is 5.7 meters high and has no windows, as may appear at first glance on the outside walls; they are in fact blind windows. The roof has disappeared, but it was made of four slabs of stone set as a pyramid on top of the tower.

The tower walls carry inscriptions related to events of the reign of the Sassanid King Shapur I (241-272 AD). It is, as so often, a trilingual inscription in Sassanid and Parthian dialects of central Persia and in ancient Greek, referring to the war with Rome when Shapur I defeated Emperor Valerian in 260 AD. There is also a Sassanid inscription suggesting that the structure was used as a fire altar or housed an eternal flame in memory of the nearby kings, but the lack of cross-ventilation in the tower kills this theory. Another suggestion is that it served as a safe place to keep the royal flags and other memorabilia, but how safe is such a building? Other experts believe that this monument was the place where a complete copy of the Avesta (the sacred texts of the Zoroastrians) was kept, written on 12,000 sheets of parchment. More recently, an Iranian archaeologist has described the monument as a unique calendar and astronomical observatory, but that seems rather far-fetched.

Separately, there is an inscription of 19 lines in Middle Persian believed to be written by the highly influential high-priest Kartir in the third century AD, commenting on the first two texts and describing Shapur I’s victories.

The tower at Naqsh-i Rustam was surrounded by a wall from Sassanid times, and it probably stood in a garden laid out at the foot of the nearby tomb reliefs.

Although both towers originate in Achaemenid times, they have undergone repeated modifications and improvements by the Sassanids. Still, it remains a very enigmatic construction that raises more questions than it provides answers. I also wonder what they must have looked like when Alexander was there; no ancient writer bothers to mention it.

Sassanid reliefs tell a story of their own in Persia

Traveling through Iran, you simply can’t miss these many reliefs. The Sassanid kings definitely were not modest and took pride in advertising their investiture and their conquests on several cliff walls, generally located close to a water source. Yet, you’ll ask, what is their connection to Alexander the Great?

Well, it may be far-fetched, but whatever you think, Hellenism and today’s way of living are all a consequence of Alexander’s conquests anyway; so why not include the Sassanids to start with? Another reason is that the Sassanid kings tried to recreate the Achaemenid Empire and repossess the territories that fell under their rule some five hundred years before.

As we know, the Achaemenid Empire ended when Alexander the Great conquered Persia, his first step being his victory at the Battle of Gaugamela in 331 BC and his final move being the execution of Bessus, the self-appointed successor of King Darius III in 329 BC. After Alexander died in 323 BC, his empire was eventually divided among his leading generals. Seleucos I ruled over the eastern part of Alexander’s Empire from 312 BC onwards, and his realm included Persia. But soon, the Parthians from northern Iran would revolt against the Seleucids, and by 171 BC, their King Mithridates the Great really put his new empire on the map to include, besides modern Iran, Iraq, and Armenia, parts of Afghanistan, Turkmenistan, Azerbaijan, and Turkey as well. The Parthian empire collapsed when the Persians of the Sassanid dynasty took over in 224 AD. That’s it in a nutshell, of course.

The Sassanid kings, in turn, ruled for more than four hundred years, and it is not surprising that they left a heritage of their own. Overall, they wanted to emulate the Achaemenids in their art, and the figures in the reliefs are still rather stiff and emotionless, although the flow of their dresses hints at a slight Greek influence. A noticeable difference is also that some of the personages are shown facing the onlooker or at least in a three-quarters position and not in profile, as the Achaemenids did.

It does come as a surprise to find the far-reaching impression Hellenism has left in Sogdiana, Bactria, or India, while here in Sassanid Persia, it hardly shows. Looking at their silver tableware or at their coinage, it is even very hard to tell them apart from similar Achaemenid artifacts.

Taq-i Bostan

The first Sassanid reliefs I came to see were those of Taq-i Bostan, an idyllic place set along a reflecting pool fed by several sacred springs not too far from the city of Kermanshah in western Iran. The main features are two arches. The largest one and most lavishly decorated is showing the investiture of King Khosrow II, who ruled from 591 to 628 AD. On the upper level, he is standing between Ahuramazda and the goddess Anahita (see: The powerful goddess Anahita in Persia), and on the lower register, the king is on horseback. Both side walls are richly decorated with hunting scenes of wild boars on the left and deer on the right side. The carved angels floating above the iwan stand for victory.

The smaller arch or iwan contains a relief of King Shapur III (who reigned from 383 to 388 AD) facing his father Shapur II (the Great), who ruled from 309 to 379 AD. Next to each king is an explanatory inscription in Pahlavi giving the names of their respective father and grandfather. It specifies that each king worshipped Ahuramazda and ruled over Iran and “non-Iran.”

Past these two arches is another relief, this time cut into the very cliff wall itself. This is the oldest relief and represents the investiture of King Ardashir II (379-383 AD) on foot. He is receiving his crown from Ahuramazda, standing next to him, while on his other side, we recognize the god Mithra, who is carrying the sacred barsom (bundle of small rods), symbolizing power. This investiture includes Ardashir’s triumph over the Roman Emperor Julian the Apostate in 363 AD, who is lying at his feet.

[Click here to see all the pictures of Taq-i Bostan]

Bishapur

The next reliefs I’m encountering are those of Tang-i Tchogan at Bishapur, located between Kazarun and Shiraz, along the Shapur River, glorifying King Shapur I, who founded Bishapur in 266 AD. From this new capital with its unique and awkward Temple of Anahita (see: The powerful goddess Anahita in Persia), we have to cross the river for a closer look at the six Sassanid rock reliefs in the cliffs facing us.

It is at Bishapur that Shapur I (reigned from 241 to 272 AD) inaugurated the Sassanid imagery of the king's investiture, which would be copied by his successors: the king and the god are face to face, often on horseback, and the god - usually Ahuramazda - is handing the royal diadem over to the sovereign. Shapur I is represented on three separate reliefs, commemorating his triple triumph over Rome, having killed Gordian III (in 244 AD), forced Philip the Arab to surrender (also in 244 AD), and captured Valerian (in 260 AD) – no small matter, of course.

The largest relief is nearly 12.5 meters long and 4.50 meters high and is divided into several distinctive parts. At its center, we see the investiture of Shapur I riding his horse, whose left hoof is resting on the head of the defeated Emperor Gordian III lying at his feet. At the same time, the king is grasping the wrist of Emperor Philip the Arab, standing next to him. Facing him, we recognize the kneeling Emperor Valerian begging for mercy while two Persian dignitaries are standing behind him. Above King Shapur’s head, we notice a winged Nike (a Greek influence, after all!) holding the crown of victory. The left panel is split into two registers, one above the other, in which five Persian horsemen are depicted in profile. The right panel, also split into two rows, shows five smaller scenes that cannot be identified properly, but where we recognize the Persian army and possibly mercenaries from different parts of the empire.

The next relief is set in a concave part of the cliff and is 6.80 meters high and 9.20 meters wide. Surprisingly, it has been inspired by the Column of Trajan in Rome. In the center, we find King Shapur I in the same traditional composition as seen in the previous relief, with Emperor Gordian stretched underneath his horse and the king holding the wrist of Philip the Arab. The panels on either side are very elaborate and detailed. Unfortunately, during my visit, the view was impaired by a heavy scaffold, and it wasn’t easy to make out the crowded scenes. To the left, the Persian cavalry is approaching in two rows, one above the other, with only the top bodies of the riders and the front of the horses visible. On the right-hand side, much more is happening in the five small panels depicting Persian soldiers and Roman prisoners bringing in the booty, as well as mercenaries from all over the empire.

To the right of this concave relief, there is a flat one 7.5 meters long showing King Bahram II (276-293 AD) receiving a delegation of Bedouins. Bahram II is on horseback, holding the reins with his right hand and his bow and arrows in his left. A Persian officer on foot leads the Bedouins in their typical dress; in the back of the picture, there are three more men with horses and camels.

This brings us to the relief with the investiture on horseback of Bahram I, facing Ahuramazda on an identical horse, handing over the crown with ribbons. The figure on the floor underneath the king could be Bahram III and was added later by King Narseh (reigned 293-302 AD), who also wrote the Pahlavi inscription.

This relief is followed by a large one (11 meters long and 4.5 meters high) divided by cross-shaped beams representing the victory of King Shapur II (who reigned from 309 to 379 AD) over the Romans and the Christians. This picture is totally different from the previous scenes; it looks rough and unfinished, probably because originally it was plastered and painted. The top central figure is the king in person in a sitting position, looking rather frightful. In the presence of his nobles on his left, he reviews the prisoners and the booty. On the bottom left quarter, we find Persian warriors following the king’s horse that is being led forward. To the right of the king, Persian soldiers are bringing in the captives, while in the bottom right quarter, soldiers are carrying decapitated heads, surrounded by Persian warriors and nobles carrying vases. I wonder if this is meant to frighten his people.

A last relief along this peaceful river is around the bend and less well preserved. It is, in fact, a repeat of an identical previous picture of Shapur I, enjoying his victory over Emperor Gordian III, Emperor Philip the Arab, and the best preserved Emperor Valerian kneeling in front of him.

[Click here to see all the pictures of Bishapur]

Naqs-i Rajab

Close to Persepolis, there are two more sites with rock reliefs. Here again, we find the investiture of Shapur I as represented above, where the king on horseback is receiving his crown from Ahuramazda, facing him and sitting on an identical horse.

On the opposite wall in this loop, there is another relief of Shapur I (reigned from 241 till 272 AD), this time showing the king on horseback surrounded by nine court dignitaries. Four of these nobles are more or less hidden behind the horse, and the first man behind the king. In his direct suite, three muscled men occupy a prominent position, with a hand on their long swords; the two others are mere busts. On the rear of the horse, there is a trilingual inscription in Parthian, Pahlavi, and Greek. This is the last known Greek inscription in Iran.

From an earlier date is the adjacent investiture of Ardashir I on foot, the very founder of the Sassanid Dynasty, who reigned from 224-241 AD. He is receiving his crown from Ahuramazda, facing him. In between them, we see two smaller figures; the dressed one is believed to be King Bahram I, the oldest son of Shapur I, facing the naked god of the same name, who was later identified as the Greek Heracles. Behind Ardashir I stands a courtier holding a fan. Next to him, we recognize crown-prince Shapur I. Exceptional is the presence of two women on the right, undoubtedly members of the royal family, and the one on the far end could be Ardashir’s spouse and sister Denak.

It is here that we find the highly unusual representation of the Zoroastrian high priest, Katir, mentioned in the context of the Zoroastrian Tower at nearby Naqsh-i Rustam (see: The Cube of Zoroaster or the Ka’bah-i Zardusht at Naqsh-i Rustam) with a Pahlavi inscription.

Naqsh-i Rustam

Naqsh-i Rustam is within walking distance from Naqs-i Rajab and has by far the greatest number of rock reliefs, both Achaemenid (see: Achaemenid Tombs at Naqsh-i Rustam and Persepolis) and Sassanid. These Sassanid reliefs have been etched in a lower register beneath the Achaemenid tombs, and there is actually a series of seven such reliefs carved some five hundred years after the tombs for the Achaemenid kings.

For Shapur I, his triumph over the Romans is a repeat, although less elaborate than what I have seen at Bishapur (see above).

The most popular figure here is, however, King Bahram II, who reigned over Persia from 276 to 293 AD. We find this king three times:

- with family members and court dignitaries bringing homage to their king:

Here, the king is larger than life-size (2.5 meters), set at the center of the relief, his hands resting on his long sword. Among the five members of the royal family on the left, we see the high priest Kartir and the queen. On the right are the busts of three courtiers.

- in a cavalry fight (located below the Tomb of Darius II, see: Achaemenid Tombs at Naqsh-i Rustam and Persepolis)

Here, the king is fighting a mounted Roman soldier, clearly hitting his adversary.

- in a double cavalry fight (located below the Tomb of Darius I, see: Achaemenid Tombs at Naqsh-i Rustam and Persepolis) :

This scene is split into two panels. In the upper panel, the king in scaled armor is meeting his mounted Roman enemy in full gallop, while on the lower panel, a helmeted prince is facing his enemy in the same fashion as the king above. In both cases, the dead enemy is lying under the horse’s hooves.

Like at Naqsh-i Rajab, there is another investiture of Ardashir I, the founder of the Sassanid Dynasty, receiving his crown from Ahuramazda, both on horseback and facing each other. This panel carries a trilingual inscription in Parthian, Pahlavi, and Greek.

The rock relief depicting the investiture of King Narseh on foot shows how he is receiving his crown from Anahita, although this is being disputed since his posture does not appear to be the appropriate one for meeting a goddess; it is thought that the lady is a relative, maybe Queen Shapurdokhtak. In between them stands a smaller figure, and it is suggested that this could be Narseh’s grandson and the son of Hormizd II. King Narseh succeeded Bahram II in 293 AD, and his successor, in turn, is Hormizd II.

King Hormizd II comes to power in 303 AD and is shown in the cliff wall underneath the Tomb of Artaxerxes I. He is riding a galloping horse, forcing his opponent from his horse with his lance.

And finally, the last relief is that of King Shapur II, who ruled from 309 to 379 AD, sitting on the throne.

In between this relief and the Tomb of Artaxerxes is a badly damaged and hardly recognizable relief of what is thought to be Shapur II, surrounded by his courtiers.

The Sassanid kings intended to leave their imprint on their empire, of which they were very proud. For me, the history of Persia would not have been complete without talking about the Sassanids, as they were the last of the long lineage of rulers that started with Cyrus the Great (see: Cyrus the Great, who made Pasargadae the capital of Persia). The rise of Islam spreading along the trade routes ever further east put a final end to the Sassanids and to the grandeur of Persia.

Dura Europos, last stop on the Euphrates

After Deir Ezzor, Rasaffa, and Halabia, I am heading for Dura Europos, Syria's most southeastern frontier garrison on the Euphrates. The landscape is as barren as the northeastern desert corner of Jordan, and it is hard to imagine that Mesopotamia once was so fertile and consequently so prosperous. Instead, I suddenly see a row of sand dunes, but so straight that they must be manmade. And they are, for these are drift-sands that accumulated against the walls of Dura Europos, the only original Hellenistic fort in the abovementioned series. Approaching from the land side, it is not apparent to appreciate the unique location as the Euphrates only reveals itself once you have penetrated the very heart of the city.

Like Apamea and Deir Ezzor, it was founded around 303 BC by Seleucos. He wanted to build a reliable control post on the Euphrates and new trade routes with his recently founded cities of Antioch-on-the-Orontes and Seleucia-on-the-Tigris. He must have remembered the lessons of his master, Alexander.

Being Hellenistic, it is no surprise that Dura Europos is set up according to the Hippodamian plan with right-angled streets around the large central Agora. The Parthians conquered the city by the end of the second century BC. They stayed till the arrival of the Romans in 165 AD. People of different origins lived in Dura Europos, as testified by papyri and parchment inscribed in Greek, Latin, Aramean, Hebrew, Syriac, the language of Hatra, Palmyrene, Persian, and Pahlavi. But it is mainly the Macedonians who left their indelible imprint on this place.

The main entrance is through the Palmyra Gate, which, although only partially preserved, gives an excellent idea of how this stronghold was conceived. The surrounding massive nine-meter-high ramparts are interrupted by a series of defense towers built, like in Halabia, with the same pink crystal-like gypsum. But it is difficult to get a good overall picture of the site since most of the city is half-buried under the sands. However, on the far left is where the Roman military camp from the third century is located, complete with the commander's palace. 

Following the main street in the direction of the Euphrates, I am pointed to the right, where most of the sixteen temples were situated, worshiped by Christians and pagans alike. The oldest synagogue of Jewish origin is among them, dating according to Aramean inscriptions to 244 AD. Every inch of its walls and ceiling were covered with wonderfully well-preserved frescoes depicting scenes of the Last Judgment. Men and animals from the oldest bible stories are illustrated with vivid images and colorful pictures. The inside of this synagogue has been entirely dismantled and moved to the Archaeological Museum of Damascus, which is worth a visit if only for this synagogue!

Besides the synagogue, there are temples dedicated to Mithras, Baal, and Adonis, proof that Jews, Christians, and pagans lived together in this multicultural city. The first traces of the Mithras Temple go back to the period 168-171, i.e., Roman times. Still, the wall paintings clearly show Parthian influences because Mithras wears Parthian trousers, boots, and a pointed bonnet. It is known that, although the Mithras cult originated in Iran, this God was very popular with the Romans. More exciting finds were made in other buildings, like mural frescos, inscriptions, military outfits such as painted wooden shields, and a complete horse harness, also exhibited at the Museum of Damascus.

 At the bottom of these temples, a small museum has been set up. Although the best pieces are in Damascus, I am happy to see the mural marriage ceremony with priests wearing their funny-looking Phrygian hats – a copy of the original in Damascus. Here, at least, I am allowed to take a picture! Interestingly, the graffiti from the Palmyra Gate helps to better understand the real one.

A last attempt to save Dura Europos was made during the siege of the Persian Sassanids led by King Shapur I in the year 256. The local museum proudly exhibits a copy of a relief from Bishapur, Iran, portraying Shapur in state riding his horse - a man with presence. During the siege, he devised a masterly strategy when he dug tunnels underneath the city walls to undermine them. In a desperate attempt to increase their survival chances, the Romans immediately filled all the buildings and spaces behind the city walls with sand to reinforce them. At the same time, they worked with might and main to fill up the Sassanid tunnels underneath, but there were simply too many corridors and ramifications, leading to the ultimate defeat of the Romans. This is how Shapur conquered Dura Europos. He razed the city to the ground and sold its population as slaves. Part of the destroyed walls is still visible in the southwest corner. However, many survived since the Romans had choked all the buildings close to the walls with sand. Among them was the synagogue with its famous frescoes.

Dura Europos was never rebuilt and disappeared from history until it was rediscovered in 1920. Serious excavations started in 1932 when said frescoes from the synagogue were brought to light. It is pretty unique that the wall paintings display animals and people, together with a Torah shrine on the western wall, i.e., the direction of Jerusalem.

Close to the Euphrates, one cannot miss the elongated remains of the fine Seleucid Citadel, strategically set on its own outcrop, guarding the bend in the river. Such great builders! 

Walking back to the Palmyra Gate, I recognize a square Bouleuterion, but the only information I can find mentions a Baptistery on this spot; this square is supposed to be a shallow pool used by Christian believers to be baptized. The public was evidently seated on the tiers around the basin.

 And then, in January 2009,  Dura Europos made the headlines as new research confirmed that during the Persian invasion, poison gas had been used for the first time in history against the Roman defenders. This conclusion was made based on twenty Roman soldier remains at the foot of the city walls. Analysis showed the product was a mixture of bitumen and sulfur crystals set afire. The gases were directed toward the enemy using several bellows and underground chimneys. Previous speculations about this technique existed, for instance, with the Spartans during the Peloponnese War (400 BC) and from Chinese texts about warfare (500 BC). Still, the theory has just been proven. Quite unbelievable, isn't it?

[For more pictures, click on the album Cities along the Euphrates]

Zeugma, Border-town along the Euphrates River

Looking at the map of Syria, it is undeniable that most of its cities are concentrated in the west, along or close to the Mediterranean Sea. As soon as we turn to the east, the landscape becomes pretty desolate until we reach the Euphrates River, where a narrow stretch of land on either side is cultivated thanks to irrigation. The only road here follows the river's bends, dotted with occasional settlements frozen in a timeless time.

The Romans handily used the river as a natural frontier and built an entire string of forts in the style of the “limes” along the Rhine River, the Arabic Limes. They needed them as protection against possible invasions, mainly by the Sassanids from Persia. Looking at the map, we find a succession of towns and strongholds erected on the Euphrates River's western bank. Starting upstream, I read names like Zeugma, Hierapolis, Barablissos (on Lake Assad), Sura (where the Euphrates turns east), Rasaffa, Halabiye, Dura Europos, all the way down to Babylon in today’s Iraq. I think it is worthwhile to take a closer look at these names to see what they stand for and what heritage they have left for us.

Although there may have been some kind of fort at this location, it is generally agreed that Zeugma was founded by Seleucos I Nicator, one of Alexander’s generals, in 300 BC under the name of Seleucia-on-the-Euphrates. It was a strategic location on the trade route to the east connecting Antioch-on-the-Orontes with China. In 64 BC, this prosperous city was conquered by the Romans, who named it Zeugma, meaning as much as the “bridge of boats,” probably because of the pontoon bridge across the Euphrates River, which constituted, at that time, the border with the Persian Empire.

In 66 AD, the Romans had a particular legion (the Fourth Legion Scythica) stationed at Zeugma to protect their empire against invasions from the Parthians and Armenians. The soldiers must have spent their money lavishly if we consider the wealth in mosaics and frescoes that have been discovered. By the time the Romans annexed the Commagene Empire in 72 AD, the city had reached its highest prosperity, and the population must have risen to 80,000 people at least. But, like always, good times don’t last. In 256, Zeugma was invaded by the Sassanid King Shapur I with catastrophic consequences from which the city never recovered, especially since its decline was amplified by the violent earthquake that buried most of it. During the 5th and 6th centuries, it became part of the Byzantine Empire, and after ongoing Arab raids, it was abandoned again. We had to wait till the 10th and 12th centuries for a small Abbasid town to arise in Zeugma.

Zeugma reached headlines in 1990 when the Dam of Ataturk on the Euphrates was completed as part of the vast GAP project that covers both the Euphrates and the Tigris. This is the fourth largest dam in the world and belongs with 22 others to this project developed to irrigate a territory as large as Belgium. Thousands of people were expelled from their homes and lands as the remains of old Zeugma were flooded forever. Archaeologists worldwide scrambled to save whatever they could before the river and sediments obliterated the ruins. I consider such an act of destruction unforgivable. A proud city that withstood eons has to make way for money and politics, more so if you think that a dam has an average lifespan of 30 to 40 years, after which the irrigated lands become worthless because of the heavy alkali (salt) deposits in the soil. Besides, other countries located downstream of the Euphrates, like Syria, Iran, and Iraq, are claiming and fighting for their share of the water, with little result, I’m afraid.

The excavation work done in extremis at Zeugma has brought many gorgeous mosaics to light, which have been transferred to the nearby museum in Gaziantep. A few remains of plastered and painted walls have also been saved, together with some columns, statues, and all kinds of smaller household objects, coins, etc.

The mosaics, however, are of exceptional quality and very well preserved. They mainly pertain to one single villa with endless rooms paved with familiar scenes of gods and goddesses. For instance, Poseidon, Oceanus, and his sister/wife Tethys; a large floor mosaic of Oceanus and Tethys together; the classical birth of Aphrodite; Perseus who saved Andromeda from certain death; a lively scene of Daidalos and his son Ikarios; a picture of Demeter from a doorway; the river god Acheloos, King of Euphrates on one of the frames; a very colorful rendering of the wedding of Dionysus; a clearly Roman representation of Eros and Psyche; an absolutely fascinating gypsy girl, Gaia, with penetrating eyes; another Dionysus, this time with Bakkha under supervision of Niké; a devilish portrait of Silenos, companion of Dionysus; another image of Methiokos who was in love with Partenope; the god of the Euphrates in all his majesty; Achilles (Akhilleus) from a courtyard that once held a central fountain; a vivid portrait of Europa; Poseidon on his horse-drawn chariot with a bust of Oceanus and Tethys in the foreground; and many, many more. I had to scramble to see them all within the allotted time for the museum visit, and I didn’t want to miss the various wall frescos that were put back in their original place around the floor mosaics. An exquisite collection that is absolutely worth a visit by itself!

According to the latest news, there may still be some parts of Zeugma that remain visible to the anxious tourist, but I have yet to be there to see them for myself. I was lucky, after all, to have paid a visit to the magnificent collection at the Museum of Gaziantep!