Alexander caring for the wounded and the dead

Battlefields always revolve around numbers and tactical moves. The human aspect is generally left out, simply because it is an inevitable by-product of war. Modern warfare is far more clinical, and statistics of the number of dead and wounded are kept pretty accurately.

In antiquity, the situation was entirely different. A person’s life was of little value. Men died in battle, women died in childbirth, and if they managed to escape that fate, they could fall victim to raids from a neighboring town and finally die as slaves. Not the happiest prospect for any being, unless you belonged to the upper class of society. But still.

The Greeks considered that dying on the battlefield was an honorable death, but they were not ready to sacrifice their lives for that sole purpose.

When I watched Oliver Stone’s picture of the aftermath of the Battle of Gaugamela with hundreds and thousands of corpses spread over the battlefield, I remembered a similar shot of Atlanta in the movie Gone with the Wind. In both scenarios, I wondered about the smell of the decaying bodies of men and beasts, the puddles of blood and excrement, the buzzing of the flies, and the vultures uttering their guttural screams. There is nothing glorious left on a battlefield after the victory is claimed by one party.

Following Alexander on his major confrontations at the Granicus, at Issus, at Gaugamela, and on the Hydaspes, our sources from antiquity wind up producing the strangest figures when it comes to counting the dead. Numbers on either side have been distorted. They were either to make the losses on the enemy’s side much higher than they were or to reduce the casualties on Alexander’s side to a questionable minimum. It is impossible to verify any of the information that has reached us through Arrian, Plutarch, Diodorus, Curtius, or Justin, more so because it was penned down centuries after the facts.

As to the wounded, it seems they were not accounted for, or only in exceptional cases. Counting the dead on a battlefield did not equate to the ultimate number of casualties. Many of the wounded were bound to die afterward. 

Hygiene was a foreign word in antiquity, and if there was any basic knowledge, it was a far cry from our modern concept. We should remember, however, that Alexander had a great interest in medicine and learned from Aristotle everything he could. Healing illnesses with plants and specific concoctions was one aspect, but stitching the soldiers’ cuts back together and cleaning their wounds was another.

If we consider the many cases of trepanation that were successfully carried out since the Neolithic, we must admit that the knowledge available in antiquity is far beyond what we might think. Philip, Alexander’s father, lost an eye and survived the operation quite well. So did Antigonus Monophthalmus. Speaking of eyes, it is known that cataract surgeries were performed as early as 4,000 BC by the Egyptians. The list of medical wonders is probably endless, but the point I am trying to make is that the physicians in Alexander’s army were far more knowledgeable than we may believe. Cleanliness certainly was one of the main requirements. 

Early last century, for instance, it was essential to wash a bleeding wound with water and soap. This has been done for centuries and may well have been applied by the caretakers in antiquity. In my own youth, when a wound was infected, it was to be soaked repeatedly in hot water and soda crystals. The ancients may well have used something similar. The technique of cauterization was known long before the early trappers in the American West, and that knowledge was inherited from earlier generations. A hot knife, dagger, or even a sword would seal the wound and kill the bacteria at the same time.

It has been reported that Alexander visited the wounded after the battle. Going from one soldier to the next, he listened to their report, how they had been injured, acknowledged their courage, and showed them respect. I am sure that the king checked their wounds and how they were treated. The caretakers and physicians were watched closely by Alexander because he, himself, had considerable knowledge of healthcare and medicine. In the end, he gave his soldiers and the caretakers a huge boost in morale. There cannot have been a better medicine than that. In the end, this may well be the secret to justify the low rates of mortality among the Macedonian troops.

What about the wounded enemies, one might wonder? Well, I don’t think that the Macedonians were inclined to show much pity, if any, to their adversaries. They were not in for half measures, just as Alexander wasn’t. For them, the enemy had to be eliminated. I would doubt if any of the wounded were left behind with some breath in their lungs. 

When the enemy, however, asked to retrieve their dead to give them a proper burial, Alexander did not refuse. We’ll remember how he even sent the body of Darius III back to his mother to accomplish the funeral according to Persian customs. On an earlier occasion, at Issus, the king had also given the Queen Mother permission to bury the Persians from the battlefield. The recovery of wounded enemy soldiers is never mentioned.

The soldiers who died in Alexander’s service always received an appropriate burial with full honors. After the Battle of the Granicus, Alexander instructed Lysippos to create a bronze memorial for the 25 cavalrymen who had fallen on the battlefield. For several centuries, it stood in Dion, the sanctuary of Macedonia.

The list of lavish and expensive burials is a long one. I relied on Frank Holt’s account, as mentioned in his book “The Treasures of Alexander the Great”. For the soldiers as a group, there was a burial at Issus in 333 BC, Ecbatana in 330 BC, on the Polytimetus River in 329 BC, and Sangala in 326 BC. Personal and more elaborate funerals took place in honor of his generals/companions, Hector in Egypt in 331 BC, Nicanor in Alexandria Ariana in 330 BC, Philip and Erigyius in Sogdiana in 327 BC, Demaratus in 327 BC, and Coenus on the Hydaspes River in 326 BC. Also to be mentioned is the gymnosophist and sophist Calanus from Taxila, who immolated himself in Susa in 324 BC. Last but certainly not least was the expensive funeral pyre that Alexander had built for his dearest Hephaistion, who died in Ecbatana in 324 BC.

Clearly, nothing was too good for the dead.

[The picture of the battlefield is from Oliver Stone's movie Alexander]

A closer look at Illyria

So little is known about Illyria, and so little is mentioned in history that it hardly appears on a map. Yet, it was the northwestern neighbor of Macedonia that made life difficult for Alexander and, before that, for his father, Philip II. Today, most of the northern territory is occupied by Serbia, while the south is in the hands of Albania.

[Map from Wikipedia]

The Illyrians envied the good agricultural land and lush grasslands of the Macedonian floodplains and invaded that country on a more or less regular basis. It was during such an attack in 360/359 BC by the Illyrian King Bardylis that King Perdiccas III of Macedonia was killed and, with him, 4,000 brave Macedonian soldiers. This incursion left the door open for further invasions, for not only could the Illyrians push all the way down to the Thermaic Gulf, but neighboring tribes like the Paeonians (in the buffer zone between Illyria and Macedonia) and the Thracians from the east could also seize this opportunity. With the death of Perdiccas III, Macedonia was exposed to more attacks by its neighbors. Besides, there was also the matter of succession to the throne since the dead king’s son, Amyntas, was still a youngster. Given all these threats, the Macedonian Assembly unexpectedly proclaimed Philip king in 359 BC, and the people swore their oath of allegiance to him. The most urgent enemies were evidently the Illyrians, who had just defeated his brother, and it seems that King Philip II managed to sign some treaty which may have included his marriage with Audata (his second wife), King Bardylis’ granddaughter. One year later, with a stronger army, Philip was completely confident to march into Illyria and bluntly refused to accept old king Bardylis’ terms. Consequently, both armies met near today’s Lake Ochrid, maybe close to Heraklea Lyncestis. Philip was victorious and demanded that the Illyrians pull out of Upper Macedonia all the way north to Lake Lychnitis, including the tribes of Orestis, which until then were controlled by the Molossian King of Epirus – no small achievement for a young king.

Illyria again comes into the news in 337 BC at King Philip’s wedding to Cleopatra, the niece of Attalus. Purposely or by accident, Attalus brings a toast to a lawful successor to the Macedonian throne, which implies that he looked at Alexander as a bastard. We know how insulted Alexander felt, more so when his father sided with Attalus. Alexander then leaves the court, taking his mother Olympia with him, and after placing her in the hands of her brother, the King of Epirus, he himself retires to Illyria. It is not known what he did or didn’t do there, except spending the winter. All that is being reported is that Alexander returns to his father’s palace thanks to the diplomatic intervention of Demaratus, a mutual friend and actor.

The news of Philip’s murder in October 336 BC runs fast, and practically all his new allies start revolting. The following summer, Alexander, who meanwhile succeeded his father as king of Macedonia, marched north towards the Danube and defeated the Illyrians on his way back to subdue Thebes. Obviously, no deep ties of friendship had been forged during his earlier stay.

This long introduction brings me to recent excavations carried out at Kale-Krševica in southeastern Serbia, exposing significant remains of what appears to be a city from the late 4th/early 3rd century BC built according to the Greek model in the days of Philip and Alexander! The settlement covers an area of about five hectares and was located on an important through-road from Greece to Central Europe. Archaeology in Serbia is still in its infancy, and only about 6% of this site has been investigated so far, raising more questions than providing answers. But based on the type of architecture, the shreds of pottery and amphorae, the coins and jewelry, tools, and the overall organizational system of the area, clearly establish a Greek presence that might lead to locating the city of Damastion, which is still elusive as well as its precious silver mines mentioned by Strabo. This would, of course, boost further research. So far, it has been established that most of the settlement was located on the slopes of the hill towards the Krševica River. Several remains were uncovered, like a rampart, a larger building, undefined walls, ovens, etc.

It is interesting, however, to mention that a wide range of coins has been found with the effigy of Philip, silver drachmae showing Alexander the Great, and bronze coins of Cassander, Uranopolis, and Demetrios Poliorcetes – all of them showing close ties with Macedonia in any case. On top of these specimens, one tetradrachma of early Damastion was discovered (hence the possible theory that this settlement might be the very city), and one tetradrachma of Aduleon, King of Paeonia.

Yet one of the greatest discoveries so far is the arched vault used for water storage and supply, a highly sophisticated and modern installation for its time. It shows that because of the rising water level by the end of the fourth century BC, the entire appearance and function of the original structure had to be adapted, resulting in this 10 meters long and 6 meters wide cistern, built from large ashlars to a height of at least six meters. The fact is that it must have held enough water for a population of several thousand. A more intensive investigation had to be abandoned, however, as archaeologists were seriously hampered by the high water table, and the cistern has been buried again pending more advanced technologies.

Well, this is just a tiny corner of Illyria that has surfaced lately. Still, it would be extremely interesting to see these excavations and others bring proof of closer contact with Macedonia from the days of King Philip II and Alexander the Great.

[Last two pictures from Kale-Krševica]

Philip’s wives and marital conflicts - Macedonia forged by Philip II - 15

Philip’s wives and marital conflicts (337 BC)

We know or hear very little about the first five wives of Philip before Olympias. It is interesting to note that all four of them spoke Greek (Phila, Philinna, Nicesipolis, and Olympias) and two did not (Audata and Meda). How historians managed to find that out, I wonder. Nicesipolis died soon after childbirth, but all the others were apparently living at court in Pella (see: The Many Wives of Philip II.). Olympias had a special status because she was the mother of the heir, Alexander. The other ladies had given birth to a daughter, except the retarded Arrhidaeus. Since these marriages had happened rather early in his kingship and for political reasons, one may wonder how closely Philip kept in touch with them.

In 337 BC, at the age of 45, Philip announced his marriage to Cleopatra. She was an orphan and had been adopted by Attalus, one of Philip’s generals of noble origin, as his niece. Rumor had it that Philip fell in love with the girl, but speculations ran in a different and more serious direction. As Philip was getting ready to invade Asia, he needed one or more heirs to ensure his succession, for betting on Alexander alone did not offer enough security. This very idea will not have been well accepted by Olympias, fearing that a son of Cleopatra could displace Alexander in the longer term, of course.

[picture from Oliver Stone's movie Alexander]

The wedding took place, probably a typical Macedonian affair with an abundance of wine flowing between the men. I think that even to their own standards, they all got pretty drunk. Anyway, at a certain point, Attalus, now father-in-law of his king, proposed a toast to the bride and groom, wishing them a legitimate Macedonian heir. It is not difficult to picture Alexander’s reaction, who felt deeply hurt by the insinuation that Attalus (and who knows who else) considered him a bastard! A fiery argument broke out, and the king tried to intervene but had probably been drinking too much himself as he took sides with Attalus and demanded excuses from Alexander. As we can expect, Alexander refused. He left the room, picked up his mother, and took her to her brother in Epirus. He himself sought refuge in Illyria. 

Now, there is a theory by which Olympias tried to convince her brother to revolt against Philip, while Alexander might have worked the mind of the Illyrians in the same direction, but nothing is proven. Eventually, Philip hired an actor (as was customary to settle differences), Demaratus of Corinth, who managed to bring Alexander back to Pella. Yet this must have left quite a bitter aftertaste on both sides.

It is rather clear that Alexander was accepted as Philip’s heir at the age of fourteen when Aristotle became his tutor. There is no trace to include, for instance, Amyntas, the son of Perdiccas III and true heir to the throne that Philip now occupied, in Aristotle’s lessons, yet when Alexander became king, he had Amyntas executed. It is also a fact that Alexander took over the regency of Macedonia at sixteen while his father was campaigning, and at eighteen, Philip trusted him to lead the cavalry at Chaeronea. But despite all that, Philip was still father and king and did not tolerate anyone, even his own son, to act against his will. A clear example is that of the Pixodarus affair.

Pixodarus was the ruler of Caria (the area of Bodrum) who had kicked his sister Ada, the widow of the previous ruler, from the throne while remaining submissive to the Persian King. But Persia was in turmoil after eunuch Bagoas murdered Artaxerxes III and, in the ensuing confusion, Pixodarus thought it wise to seek support from Philip, an interesting consideration that fitted Philip’s plans to march east. Pixodarus offered his daughter, Ada, in marriage, and Philip, in exchange, presented the retarded Arrhidaeus. The pact was accepted. But Alexander felt his father had left him out and decided to act on his own, offering himself as a marital candidate to Pixodarus, who, of course, could not have asked for a better deal! When Philip got vent of this maneuver behind his back, we can imagine how infuriated he became. The entire agreement with Pixodarus was called off, and Philip seriously reprimanded his son by exiling several of his closest friends from Pella. That must have been quite a blow for Alexander!

These events clearly illustrate that all was not running smoothly between father and son, which may have led to the conclusions about the true murderers of Philip the next year.

Click here to read the full story about Philip II from the beginning