We leave no man behind

The phrase and what it stands for hit me the other day when I followed the story of an elite group of British military trying to make it out alive across the Iraqi border into Syria. These men belonged to the Special Forces of the S.A.S. (Special Air Forces) on a rescue operation.

The concept of nemo resideo translated as “leave no one behind” seems to disappear in the dawn of time. However, it may have been revived during recent conflicts like the Vietnam War and the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan. No matter when or how it originated, the very core of these words led me to Alexander. It was something he could have initiated if it not already existed.

As I was pondering the matter, I remembered Alexander’s march across the Karakum Desert towards the Oxus River. Over a distance of roughly sixty kilometers, the troops trudged over endless treeless hills dotted with rare green vegetation. In this “pebble desert”, they fell short on water, and some men broke into the wine and oil provisions making their situation far worse. They all struggled to keep moving, and some were maddened by thirst and lost their sense of orientation. When Alexander finally reached the river banks, he ordered to light huge fires to bring those who lost their bearings back on track. Comrades ran back and forth to carry water to the stragglers. With his usual determination, Alexander encouraged his troops to keep going. He wasn’t going to leave anyone behind if he could help it.

But after all, this may not be entirely Alexander’s doing. The bulk of his troops had campaigned with his father, who created the first professional army ever. Most men had been fighting together for ten or twenty years already by the time Alexander took over the general command. They had shared the sores of long marches under all weather conditions. They had shared their food, their sorrows and miseries, as well as their dreams and their secrets. They had cared for each other’s wounds and got drunk together. Most importantly, they had learned to rely on each other. They knew the others as they knew themselves. They were a real band of brothers.

Campaigning with Alexander had tightened that brotherhood as he added ever more years of service to those which his seasoned soldiers had already computed. Marching on with their king, the men always had to be alert of the almost daily dangers. These dangers could take many forms. The men had to face hostile tribes, rivers in spate, scorching deserts, dilluvian rains, thunderstorms, ice and freezing cold, earthquakes, wild animals. The list is endless, so it seems. If the soldiers could not rely on each other, they could not survive. It was as simple as that. They would never leave any of their buddies behind if they could help it. Staying together and caring for their comrades was a matter of pure necessity.

Another event that came to my mind is the ambush set up by Spitamenes in Bactria where Alexander’s troops were caught in a guerrilla war. The confrontation ended in a pure massacre as only some 350 men out of the 2,300 sent on the mission survived. There was nothing Alexander, who was still recovering from his wounds and dysentery in Alexandria Eschate, could have done to rescue them. The king never sent his men on a suicide mission. Loosing so many good men hit him hard but all he could do was to avenge their death. In his anger, he ordered to sweep up the entire valley of the Polytimetus River. His instructions were clear, every house and every village should be taken down, all the crops burnt. The enraged Macedonians didn’t hesitate to execute their orders. Taking revenge was something they understood all too well.

In modern warfare, the US Army personnel are expected to live by what’s called the Soldiers’ Creed. Its last version from 2003 reads as follows:

I am an American Soldier.

I am a Warrior and a member of a team.

I serve the people of the United States, and live the Army Values.

I will always place the mission first.

I will never accept defeat.

I will never quit.

I will never leave a fallen comrade.

I am disciplined, physically and mentally tough, trained and proficient in my warrior tasks and drills.

I always maintain my arms, my equipment and myself.

I am an expert and I am a professional.

I stand ready to deploy, engage, and destroy the enemies of the United States of America, in close combat.

I am a guardian of freedom and the American way of life.

I am an American Soldier.

Times have really changed for if the concept would certainly have appealed to Alexander and his Macedonians, I’m sure they didn’t feel the need to express it in so many words or to spell it out in writing. They simply knew their duty and what was expected from them and they certainly would give their all under any circumstance.

The Khyber Pass into India

On their return from Sogdiana (see: End of Alexander’s Campaign in Central Asia), the Macedonians spent a well-deserved rest of six months at Alexandria-in-the-Caucasus (Begram) in the heart of the Kabul Valley. Here, Alexander worked hard to reshuffle and reorganize his army.

[Map is from the Encyclopaedia Britannica]

His strategic phalanx was dismantled since it no longer served its purpose after the Bactrian guerilla wars. The mounted Lancers joined the Companion Cavalry together with the skillful horsemen from Bactria and Sogdiana, to which he added 2,000 horse-archers from Spitamenes’ nomads.

On another level, the commanding posts needed to be redistributed after the execution of Philotas and Parmenion and the murder of Cleitos. Their detachments were split between Ptolemy, Hephaistion, Perdiccas, and Leonnatus. The Royal Shield Bearers were promoted to the title of Silver Shields (Argyraspids), led by Seleucos and Nearchus, under the supreme command of Neoptolemus. The Royal Squadron of Companions remained under Alexander’s own command. These Cavalry Commanders and trusted squadron leaders enabled him to divide his army more freely between different locations at any one time.

That winter of 327 BC, the entire army was on the march again, with their forces divided in two. Hephaistion and Perdiccas are sent ahead to the Indus in order to prepare the crossing of that river with half the Companions and all the mercenary cavalry. The timing is well chosen to avoid the summer heat upon arrival in India. With the other half of the troops, Alexander starts his march up the Kunar Valley into the Swat Valley in modern Pakistan.

There is little or no information about the expedition of Hephaistion and Perdiccas as they head east. It is clear that to reach the Indus River, they must cross the Hindu Kush Mountains again. The obvious route this time leads over the Khyber Pass. Even today, the main road from Kabul to Peshawar runs over the same mountain pass.

The Khyber Pass is situated at an elevation of 1070 meters and is 53 kilometers long. The passage varies between 3 and 137 meters in width, meaning that the Macedonians had to cope with the inevitable bottlenecks. On top of that, the Khyber Pass is walled in by steep cliffs towering 200-300 meters above the men’s heads.

It is not known how long it took Hephaistion and Perdiccas to get across the pass, only that they marched to Peucelaotis and hence to the Indus. Their instructions, according to Arrian, were that they had to take all the places they encountered, either by force or by agreement.

Peucelaotis, however, resisted. Hephaistion besieged the town for thirty days, after which the defenders surrendered, maybe simply because their governor, Astes, was killed. The newly appointed governor was a certain Sangaeus who had deserted Astes some time before to join Taxiles. This made the man trustworthy.

Eventually, Hephaistion and Perdiccas reached the River Indus at Ohind/Hund (near modern Attock) in Punjab. Here, they built a fleet of thirty-oared galleys and a pontoon bridge of linked boats spanning the river, which at this point is at least 400 to 500 meters wide. This operation is not to be underestimated, for although the bridge was constructed far upstream in the Punjab region, the river is fed by snow and glacial meltwater from the Karakorum, the Hindu Kush, and the Himalaya Mountains, and its annual flow is known to be two times faster than that of the Nile or three times that of the Euphrates and the Tigris combined.

Even in antiquity, historians tend to focus solely on Alexander, but his generals also excelled in their missions, which were multiplied from Sogdiana and Bactria onwards. The War of the Diadochi that broke out after Alexander’s death certainly proves – if a proof is needed – how capable each and every one of his generals was. Well, they certainly had an excellent master!

[The Black&White picture is taken by John Burke, 1879-1880]

Alexander crosses the Hindu Kush a second time

After two years of intense guerilla fights throughout Sogdiana, Alexander had finally caught Bessus, eliminated Spitamenes and restored a relative peace in Bactria by marrying Roxane. The time had come for him to head for India.

Until now, I was convinced that Alexander returned from Bactria via the Khyber Pass but when I tried to trace where the idea came from, I was in for a surprise. There is no excuse, I should have taken a closer look at the map to realize that the Khyber Pass lies in fact on the way from Kabul to Peshawar and not between Bactria and Afghanistan.

With that question solved, I needed to find out which pass Alexander had used leaving Bactria. The antique authors are disappointingly scant in reporting this part of his campaign. Plutarch, Justin, and Diodorus do not mention the crossing of the Hindu Kush – a formidable barrier under all circumstances - on Alexander’s return and Curtius simply states that Alexander set out for India in order not to foster idleness. Arrian seems to be the only one to be more specific telling us that by the end of spring Alexander began his march for India, that he crossed the Indian Caucasus, and ten days later reached Alexandria(-in-the-Caucasus), the city he had founded during his first expedition into Bactria. Strabo merely tells us that Alexander crossed the Hindu Kush and settled his veterans and mercenaries together with natives at Alexandria-in-the Caucasus.

This meant that I had to rely on modern historians and their research on the matter. Unfortunately, they do not agree among themselves about Alexander’s route and it seems that they all have a theory of their own.

Frank Holt (Into the Land of Bones) has come to the conclusion that Alexander marched his army over the Shibar Pass. With the winter snows gone, the trek went smoothly and without great logistical problems.

Robin Lane Fox (Alexander the Great) says that Alexander used the same pass as earlier, meaning the Khawak Pass (see: From Afghanistan into Bactria across the Hindu Kush). This time in June, the march was at a leisurely pace and took only ten days. The snows had melted and Alexander could rely on food stored in the Sogdian fortresses on the way and on the high grazing grounds for the animals. The army spent a pleasant summer at Alexandria-in-the-Caucasus (Begram) thus avoiding an invasion of India in appalling heat.

A.B. Bosworth (Conquest and Empire) simply mentions that Alexander crossed the passes of the Hindu Kush into the Paropamisadae in ten days and reinforced the city of Alexandria-in-the-Caucasus.

Michael Wood has concluded that Alexander crossed the Hindu Kush via Bamyan, which implies that he took the Shibar Pass.

Donald Engels (Alexander the Great and the Logistics of the Macedonian Army) in turn sticks to the Salang Pass since this pass is shorter and has often been used by armies in a hurry. Engels states that the army re-crossed the Hindu Kush in late spring but could not forage for grain along the route because harvest at these high altitudes does not occur until July or August. They had to rely on supplies collected by Hephaistion throughout Bactra before departing.

In a footnote, the author refers to the optional Kushan Pass, just east of the Salang Pass, that has been put forward by other historians, but then this Kushan is seldom used because it is precipitous and treacherous – not exactly recommendable for an army. The Salang Pass, on the other hand, although as fast as the Kushan is much safer. He rules out the Shibar Pass which is longer than the Khawak. Given the ten days it took Alexander to cross the Hindu Kush, Engels’ choice is narrowed down to either the Salang Pass or the Kushan Pass.

All these theories take me back to the map of Afghanistan and of the Hindu Kush in particular. Based on the above, it comes down to choosing between the 3,878 meter-high Salang Pass and the Kushan Pass rising at 4,370 meters located due west of the Salang Pass. Interestingly, this pass is less than one kilometer away from the modern Salang Tunnel built in 1964 with the financial and technological support of the Soviet Union. This meant that traveling time is cut down drastically although repeated avalanches tend to trap the vehicles inside the tunnel, making the voyage still a dangerous one.

Glancing at Google maps provides another quite impressive image of the landscape the Macedonian army crossed. Even with enough food and fodder, we have to admire these sturdy men trudging over narrow paths, through deep ravines, across icy rivers and over rocks of all sizes and shapes. Nobody, not even Hannibal comes close to Alexander’s exploits in the Hindu Kush. In the end, I have to agree with David Engels and agree on the Salang Pass.

We should remember that Alexander’s Asian campaign is much and much more than a series of battles and sieges. Marching often through forbidding landscapes, coping with extreme heat, thunderstorms, crosswinds, dust, rain, sleet and ice, the Macedonians have seen it all but the king set the example by leading his troops over each and every obstacle. The Hindu Kush is just one of these obstacles, although a major one that cannot be stressed enough.

[First picture shows the Shibar Pass by František Řiháček -original prints, CC BY-SA 3.0, - The two other pictures show the Salang Pass by Scott L.Sorensen - My Personal Picture, CC BY 3.0 and by Spc. Michael Vanpool (U.S. Armed Forces) respectively.]

The unique mosaic from Apamea

During clandestine excavations on the site of Apamea in October 2011, a mosaic with a very rare and unusual scene was discovered as it represented the foundation of Antioch on the Orontes by Seleucos in 300 BC. The work is obviously Roman and has been dated to the 4^th century AD. What makes the picture so unique is that it shows the religious sacrifice as performed by Seleucos I and his son Antiochus I.

The name Apamea appeared in 300 BC when Seleucos, a successor of Alexander, created one of the grandest cities in the east. At the Susa mass wedding of 324 BC, Seleucos married Apame, the daughter of Spitamenes of Bactria. Apame accompanied her husband during all of his expeditions and campaigns. After conquering the east, Seleucos established another capital of his empire at Antioch on the Orontes, today's Antakya in Turkey. The region pleased him so much that he built another beautiful city further inland, which he named Apamea (see: Apamea, heritage of Alexander) after his wife. Together with Antakya, it became the most important city of his wide empire, reaching from the Mediterranean to the Indus. Seleucos truly moved in Alexander's footsteps, and like him, he built many cities, which are said to be all named after family members. One city was named after his father, Antioch; five after his mother, Laodicea; four after his two wives, Apamea and Stratonikea; and last but not least, nine were baptized Seleucia after himself.

After being incorporated into the Roman Empire, Apamea grew to harbor 250,000 people and became very rich. It was a military base and was renowned for breeding military horses. This explains the monumental remains of private and official buildings we still see today on both sides of the colonnaded Cardo.

The above-mentioned mosaic was created when the city reached its peak of refinement between the 3^rd and the 5^th century AD. The alarming fact is that the mosaic has disappeared, probably sold on the black market to some art collector. It is quite peculiar that we have a photograph of this beautiful composition made by an unknown author, even if it is not the best shot. The mosaic may have been decorating the floor of a house belonging to some high official, as it covers about 10 m2.

[Picture downloaded from Pinterest]

A Greek inscription identifies the sacrifice attended by five standing figures above which floats an eagle, representing Zeus, holding a bull’s head in its claws. We see Seleucos I Nicator (the Victorious) and Antiochus I Soter (the Savior) standing on either side of an altar with a fire burning on which a bull is being sacrificed. Seleucos wears a blue tunic underneath his parade cuirass and a purple cloak; his head is crowned with a golden tiara. Antiochus, in turn, is dressed in a white tunic trimmed with two black stripes covered with a purple cloak as well; he wears some jewels. Next to Seleucos, we recognize Heracles and the Muse Calliope, and next to Antiochus, we find Ktisis, the female personification of the city, holding the tools of the architect. The two women are clad in a belted chiton and show their jewelry.

Interpol has now launched an official search for this out-of-common mosaic. Unfortunately, this is not the only one that has disappeared from the Apamea site that was badly damaged when the IS occupied the region. Please keep on the lookout!

[For more mosaic news, read also: More illegal mosaics from Apamea] 

Apamea, heritage of Alexander

If we believe ancient Egyptian, Ugarian, and Hittite texts, Apamea goes back to 2000-1000 BC. Under Persian rule, it was called Pharnake. Still, the city entered my field of interest with Alexander the Great, who left a garrison behind and renamed it Pella after his hometown. The name Apamea appeared in 300/299 BC when Seleucos, a successor of Alexander, created one of the grandest cities in the east.

We have to go back to the mass wedding in Susa in 324 BC when Alexander arranged a mixed wedding party for about one hundred of his close friends and generals to bring Greece and Persia together. Seleucos' bride was to be Apame, the daughter of Spitamenes of Bactria. This union must have been happy, for it is the only one to survive Alexander's untimely death in 323 BC. Apame accompanied her husband during all of his expeditions and campaigns, which could not have been very comfortable traveling. In any case, after conquering the east, Seleucos decided to move the capital of his empire from Babylon to Antioch-on-the-Orontes, today's Antakya, Turkey. The region pleased him so much that he decided to dedicate another beautiful city to Pella, which was founded initially for Alexander's veterans. He renamed it Apamea after his wife. Apamea became his most important city, together with Antakya mentioned above. Laudetia, as Antakya was known by Seleucos, was named after his mother. Seleucia-on-the-Tigris was named after himself – yes, his empire reached all the way from the Mediterranean to the Indus! Seleucos truly moved in Alexander's footsteps!

The location of Apamea is worthy of Alexander, high above the fertile valley of the Orontes River, right on the junction of the busy road that connected the east with Antioch. Approaching today's town of Afamia, the visitor will see antique Apamea atop a trapezoidal hill just behind the new settlement, shining like a crown jewel. Vast parts of the 16 km-long city walls from the 2nd century BC and more than one hundred watchtowers can still be seen, sometimes reaching as high as 10 meters. Apamea, I'm told, is four times the size of the more familiar Palmyra.

Pompey showed little consideration for Apamea when, in 64 BC, the city became part of the Roman Empire. Yet it rose again and peaked at the beginning of the 1st century AD when the total population ran close to half a million (of which 380,000 were slaves), counting 40,000 horses and 500 fighting elephants. Unfortunately, Apamea was entirely destroyed during the cataclysmic earthquake on 13 December 115 AD (an estimated 7.5 on the scale of Richter).

This was the time to reform Apamea from a typical Hellenistic city into a Roman one. We may owe it to Emperor Trajan, who resided in nearby Antioch-on-the-Orontes at the time of the earthquake and nearly lost his life in the disaster, to rebuild Apamea. He kept the original Hippodamian plan, which fitted the known Roman pattern anyway, with a Cardo and a Decumanus. Apamea was enhanced with bath houses and public fountains, and near the original Hellenistic Agora, a new temple was dedicated to Belos or Baal. Near the city walls, a vast theater was built on the prior Hellenistic foundations, and it equaled the theater of Ephesus with a seating of over 20,000 persons! Roman/Byzantine Apamea lasted until it was conquered by the invading Muslims in 636 AD.

I have great expectations when I finally visit Apamea. For years, I have been in awe of the magnificent columns and mosaics that are the showpieces at the Archaeological Museum in Brussels. There, I saw the spiral columns for the first time, and when I met them later on in Sardes and Ephesus, I mentally kept calling them "Apamea columns." It is worth mentioning that the area was first excavated by Belgian archaeologists in the 1930s, and the restorations started in the 1970s – hence the museum pieces.

I enter Apamea from the north, next to the Antioch Gate. I immediately stop in my tracks since what I see is a Hellenistic city gate, two round towers just like the better-preserved ones that guard the entrance to Perge, Turkey – definitely a piece of the heritage left by Alexander through Seleucos, of course.

Turning to the south, I face the most impressive Cardo Maximus, once a busy commercial thoroughfare and as Roman as you can find. And amazing it is: nearly two kilometers long and 38 meters wide, lined initially with 1200 columns, of which 400 are still standing, each approximately 9 meters high and generally crowned with Corinthian capitals. The spiral columns, I expect, show up further down the road next to the Agora; till then, they are just plain.

On my left, behind the colonnade and paved sidewalk, stand well-preserved facades of shops, up to the first floor with decorated window and door frames – ready for use, it seems. The pavement of the Cardo is pretty much intact and clearly shows the traces left by the many carts that delivered the goods up and down the street.

The Cardo, which almost resembles a boulevard, is crossed by two Decumani. The first crossing is marked by a 14-meter-high votive column resting on a triangular base, smack in the middle of the straight road – something I haven't seen anywhere before. Walking over this centuries-old pavement flanked by these giant guards looking down on you is quite something! The gray clouds blend with the gray weathered columns and contribute to the melancholic atmosphere.

Further down the Cardo, I find the Roman Baths built by Emperor Trajan (116-117). They are positioned so that the water can flow down with gravity from the city walls. They were rebuilt and renewed time and again until the 7th century and were still functioning during the rule of the Ayyubids and Mamluk. Excavation works are underway, and earthen water and sewage pipes have recently been exposed. A little further on, I recognize the inevitable Nymphaeum, and behind it, I discover the public latrines fit to receive 80-90 people – a cozy place. Closer to the city center stands a column decorated with a relief of Bacchus carrying the thyrsus staff and framed with vine motifs. This was once the basis of an arch signaling the entrance to a side street.

Finally, I reach the immense Agora (300 x 45 meters), where the typical spiral columns along the Cardo replace the otherwise unfluted ones. For me, this is how Apamea should be! After closer scrutiny, I noticed that the spirals twist alternatively to the right and to the left, which, from a distance, make a V-pattern creating a zigzag effect. Apparently, they date back to 166 AD. Three of these columns have a console holding a statue of Antoninus Pius, Lucius Verus, and Marcus Aurelius. Another one carried a statue in honor of Lucius Julius Agrippa, a leading citizen of Apamea, set up by Quintus Munatis Marinus, who had the title of Beneficiarius as he helped to rebuild the city after the devastating earthquake of 115 AD. Further West are the remains of the famous Temple of Zeus Belos, known for its oracles and heavily visited by the believers, which included Emperor Septimius Severus. This temple was used without interruption till Christianity took over in 384-385 AD.

This is where I have to end my visit. The day is hiding behind the lead-colored clouds, and I deeply regret that I cannot take a picture of the golden sunrays illuminating these majestic colonnades. It is too late to walk down to the famous and grand theater at the end of the next Decumanus.

Apamea is a top location to visit as the remains from Hellenistic and Roman times are so vividly present. As I mentioned above, the city suffered heavily from the Muslim invasion, leading to its decline. During the 7th century, however, Apamea experienced a short revival with the coming of the Crusaders. In 1106, Prince Tancredi from Normandy arrived at the head of the First Crusade, later to be promoted to Prince of Galilea and Regent of the Principality of Antioch. In 1157 and again in 1170, northern Syria was hit by a series of severe earthquakes, destroying Apamea and cities like Hama, Emesa (Homs), and Antioch-on-the-Orontes (Antakya).

It is certain that even in antiquity, Apamea appealed to everyone's imagination and received many important guests. Cleopatra VII stopped here on her way back from the Euphrates when she accompanied Marc Anthony on his campaign against the Armenians. Septimius Severus arrived in 179 as Legatus of the Fourth Scythian Legion, and later, in 215, Emperor Caracalla paid a visit on his way home after staying in Egypt. And now it is my turn!

At the foot of this marvelous city lies a caravanserai built around 1524 by the Ottomans, where merchants and pilgrims could rest and spend a night on their way to the Orontes Valley. The building has recently been restored and serves as a museum for the finds from Apamea, mainly grave steles and mosaics from private houses, among which is the exceptional mosaic of Socrates and the Wise Men. However, the largest and probably the best-preserved mosaic is to be found in the Archaeological Museum in Brussels.

[Click here to view all the pictures of Apamea]

End of Alexander’s campaigns in Central Asia (Central Asia 14)

In the chronological confusion, where exactly Alexander spent the winter of 328/327 BC needs to be clarified. Depending on the choice, the sieges of the Sogdian Rocks would have taken place in the fall of 328 BC rather than in the spring of 327 BC. But give or take a few months, this only changes a little to the facts.

The year 327 BC will be Alexander’s last year in Bactria and Sogdiana, but it will be another eventful year. He may well have reached a satisfactory settlement with the tribes of Central Asia by now, but within his own camp, matters were taking a different turn. The Macedonians strongly felt they were the conquerors of Asia and, therefore, superior. On the other hand, Alexander understood very well that he could not rule the Persians in the same way he led the Macedonians. There was no way the Persians would respect a king who didn’t live by their ceremonial requirements, which the Macedonians regarded as pure barbarian.

Alexander wanted to put all his subjects on equal footing, but this was a sensitive matter. He had already appointed several Persians to govern newly conquered satrapies, taking others in his personal service. He tried to compromise by adopting some aspects of their protocol, wearing some of the Persian regalia - but if the Persians welcomed this, it was heavily resented by his fellow countrymen.

There was, for instance, the sensitive matter of the proskynesis, a prostration the Persians used to perform to their king as a sign of respect, but which was ridiculed and rejected by the Macedonians, who would only prostrate themselves in front of their gods. Alexander could have abolished the proskynesis, but he would have lost face with the Persian courtiers and kinsmen, or he could have implemented separate rules for the Persians and the Macedonians, which, in the end, he did. But before reaching that decision, Alexander wanted to give proskynesis a try. It happened in Bactra, where he organized a banquet to be attended by both Persian noblemen and his Macedonian companions. The plan was that they all would toast to his health and then perform the proskynesis. There was a fiery speech about Macedonian values, at the end of which the Persians rose and prostrated themselves before Alexander. Then, as had been arranged, a golden loving cup was passed among the companions (as reported by Chares, the Royal Chamberlain). The king's companions would have a drink, rise from their seats, prostrate themselves, and then receive a kiss from Alexander. 

All went well until it was Callisthenes’ turn, Aristotle's court historian and nephew. Callisthenes of Olynthus drank from the cup and skipped the prostration to get the kiss, thinking Alexander was too busy talking to Hephaistion to notice him. Alexander might have ignored the missed prostration, but not his companions, who were watching each other with eagle eyes and notified Alexander immediately of the cheating. The king refused to kiss him. It is said that Callisthenes simply shrugged his shoulders, saying that he would return to his seat a kiss poorer. This was enough proof for Alexander that the best way would be merely to compromise, leaving the Persians to perform their prostration and not demanding it from his Macedonians.

Callisthenes definitely made headlines in Bactra, for he may well have been playing a significant role in the pages’ conspiracy against Alexander that happened shortly after the banquet. The pages were young men from leading Macedonian families in charge of guarding the king when he slept or joining him on his hunting parties. Yet part of their training was also provided by Callisthenes, whom they greatly admired. One of these pages, Hermolaus, seems to have broken the royal etiquette during a hunting party when he shot Alexander’s prey. That was a no-no, and Alexander ordered him to be whipped before his comrades. This fact alone was not a reason enough to plan the conspiracy. Still, the general resentment of Persian favors, fueled by Callisthenes’ personal attitude towards the king, may have contributed to the plot. A close group of pages managed to switch guard duties so that they all were on watch the same night. They would assassinate Alexander in his sleep. Yet Alexander stayed up all night, drinking till dawn, and never went to bed. Inevitably, the plan leaked, and Hermolaus and the other suspects were executed after fruitless interrogations and torture. No evidence was found against Callisthenes, but he was imprisoned all the same, and he eventually died.

Alexander was paying a very high price for his life and his plans to march into India. Hephaistion must have been quite a comfort to him in these needy times, and Alexander knew how to reward him by promoting him second in command with the title of Chiliarch. This meant that he carried military responsibilities, a job, and a title created by the Persian Kings. Personally, I feel that Alexander could have given his friend no greater honors.
        

During this time, Alexander decided to have 30,000 young Persians trained in Macedonian warfare and Greek writing. He obviously was very proud of these “epigonoi,” as they were called, but his Macedonians did not generally accept their presence. In their eyes, the conquered people remained their inferiors and forever enemies, not people they were now supposed to take into their ranks and treat as equals. The king had also promoted one of Oxyartes’ sons, a brother of Roxane, to a high position.
 

That summer, Alexander moved south to Alexandria-in-the-Caucasus (Begram in Afghanistan), where his army spent a lazy summer. Alexander, however, worked hard to reshuffle his army and draw up an entirely new plan.

To start with, he left 14,000 men to supervise the Oxus provinces. His strategic phalanx was dismantled since it no longer served its purpose in this terrain and in guerrilla wars. The mounted Lancers joined the Companion Cavalry together with the habile horsemen from Bactria and Sogdiana, to which he added 2,000 horse-archers from Spitamenes’ nomads. He must have thought it preferable to have these Central Asian forces fight at his side rather than against him.

On another level, the commanding posts needed to be redistributed now that Philotas was executed, and both Parmenion and Cleitos had been murdered. Their detachments were split between Ptolemy, Hephaistion, Perdiccas, and Leonnatus. The Royal Shield Bearers were promoted to the title of Silver Shields, led by Seleucos and Nearchus, under the supreme command of Neoptolemus (family of Olympias). The Royal Squadron of Companions remained under Alexander’s own command. These Cavalry Commanders and trusted squadron leaders made it possible to divide his army more freely between different attacks at any one time. These past three years have been a harsh and unforgiving lesson, but it was not lost on Alexander. You must be a military man to truly fathom what such a reorganization implied. For Alexander, this was a far cry from the kind of warfare he grew up with and had used so far in his career, but he must have realized its limits. His genius once again prevailed.

The people of Bactria-Sogdiana, however, were left very much to solve their own fate, which cannot have been very promising. Those not killed in the repeated raids were largely herded together and moved to populate the newly built Alexandrias. They had been torn from their tribes and ancestral grounds to live among Macedonian veterans who hated these places and had instead returned to their homelands. Daily life must have been a struggle for everyone, and far from the idealized picture, most historians would like us to believe that Alexander “civilized” the East. With no clearly drawn frontiers and no political victory, he instead left these peoples to their old way of life – unless their Macedonian rulers could convince them otherwise (The cultural success happened much later, after Seleucos’ rule and the start of the Graeco-Bactrian dynasty). For Alexander, it was a sad balance of three years of heavy campaigning and heavy losses of precious lives.

Alexander’s interference in Central Asia ended in Alexandria-in-the-Caucasus, where he received the submission of several Indian tribes from this side of the Indus and the surrender of Taxiles. In the early winter of 327 BC, he marched up the Kunar Valley into the Swat Valley and thus entered India. Alexander moves into another chapter of his short life.

This ends my impressions of Uzbekistan, or, should I say, my impressions of Bactria and Sogdiana. A fascinating country with far more to offer than one would expect, but I wonder if other travelers will find the traces of Alexander the Great I found, or maybe simply imagined? Who knows.

[Picture of the Persian noblemen is from Oliver Stone's movie]
[Click on the label Central Asia to read the full story]