Alexander’s missed voyage to conquer the West

Alexander always planned ahead, far ahead even. He was a true genius juggling many problems, projects, and strategies (see: Eyewitness accounts of Alexander's life). 

His most significant projects, or at least their outlines, were put on paper, as we may conclude from the to-do list the king left upon his death, as mentioned by Diodorus. We have no reason to believe Alexander’s ambition was a utopian dream. After all, conquering the then-known world in less than ten years is a superhuman achievement. Nobody before or after Alexander succeeded. Nothing could stop Alexander – except his own death. 

It has been generally accepted that Alexander aimed to conquer the western Mediterranean, and the idea is consistent with his character. However, Diodorus’ text may be a list of ideas rather than real plans, as we all would imagine. 

Besides his plan to build colossal temples and a mausoleum for his father, there was the project to build a thousand warships, larger than triremes, in Phoenicia, Syria, Cilicia, and Cyprus. This construction had already started while Alexander was in Babylon and alive. He planned to conquer Carthage. On the way, along the coast of Libya, he would create a string of safe havens and shipyards. Eventually, this strategy would lead him to Iberia and Magna Graecia, including Sicily, where many Greek colonists had established themselves centuries earlier. 

In the end, the Romans attacked the Carthaginians in Sicily in the First Punic War, 60 years after Alexander’s death. A second war shifted their terrain to Iberia, which was largely occupied by the Carthaginians (see: Carthage Antique, des origines jusqu’à l’invasion Vandale). We can only guess how Alexander would have handled the confrontation, especially since the power of Carthage was different in his days. 

On his way to Carthage, Alexander would need to secure the hinterland to protect his newly built harbors along the North African coast. To this effect, he conceived the construction of a road as far as the Pillars of Heracles (Gibraltar). The project materialized 2,500 years later when Mussolini built a 2,000 km-long highway, the Litoranea, running from Tunisia all the way to the Egyptian border (see: Cyrene, founded by the Greeks). We may wonder whether this was Alexander’s megalomania or far-sightedness. 

Greek immigrants searching for fertile lands and a better life had already colonized a significant part of the western Mediterranean. Around 600 BC, the Phocaeans (from modern Foça), who fled Asia Minor after a siege by the Persians, established themselves in southern France, where they founded the city of Massalia, modern Marseille. By 575 BC, these settlers founded regional colonies in Agde (Agathe Tyche), Antibes, Nice (Niké), and Monaco. 

With time, these colonists went further inland and spread all over Provence. The city of Arelate, modern Arles, occupied a strategic position where goods traveled up and down the River Rhone after they had been transhipped from Massalia. Most of those settlements are best known by their Roman names: Orange, Vaison-la-Romaine, and Glanum, although their origin was much older. 

A photographer friend of mine, Andrew Squires, explored Provence. His vision was to create images of the region, including Glanum, that translate the remains into what it once was. He published a splendid work of art as an iBook (with Apple) under the name Provence Mysterious. 

The Phoceans from Massalia, about the same time as they expanded in Provence, created circa 550 BC the trading post of Emporion, Roman Ampurias, and Rhoda, modern Rossas in Spain. Both cities, connected by a long sandy beach, served as stopover ports in the Greek expansion in the western Mediterranean. Geographically speaking, Emporion occupies the southwestern end of the Golfe de Lion, opposite Massalia. 

The first colonization of Magna Graecia happened earlier than elsewhere in that part of the Mediterranean. It started in Cumae, founded around 740 BC by emigrants from Chalcis and Kyme. Spartans emigrated to Taras, later named Tarentum. It was soon followed by new colonies established by the Achaeans in Metapontum, Sybaris, and Croton. In 733 BC, Greek settlers from Corinth arrived on the small island of Ortygia and founded Syracuse.

In the 6th century BC, Athenian settlers founded Thurii. Around 580 BC, colonists from Gela (Sicily), Crete, and Rhodes founded Akragas (Agrigento). 

Many of these initially Greek colonies became influential cities in their own right, creating their own towns. A good example is Sicily, where the new colonies fought the Carthaginians, the Romans, and each other, seeking their own ideals (see: Syracuse rivaled Athens to be the most powerful city). 

In 535 BC, Phocaean refugees established the colony of Elea, home of the Eleatic School created by the philosopher Parmenides (see: Magna Graecia, the forgotten Greek legacy). In 433 BC, the colony of Tarentum founded Herakleia, and the Achaeans founded Poseidonia, Roman Paestum. 

These relentless fluxes of Greek emigrants were no secret to Alexander and his contemporaries, meaning he was well aware and informed about the western Mediterranean – something we tend to forget! 

An excellent example of the high skills and wealth in the western Mediterranean is the so-called Riace bronzes retrieved off the coast of Calabria ( see: More about Magna Graecia: a testimony from Calabria). Archaeologists disagree on whether they represent warriors, athletes, or gods. Consequently, they are called “Riace A,” created between 460 and 450 BC, and “Riace B,” between 430 and 420 BC. Let’s keep in mind that these statues are the kind of artwork that existed a century before Alexander. 

Although extensive, the above-mentioned list of Greek colonists in the western Mediterranean is far from complete but long enough to prove their impressive presence. They often were caught in the expansionist attacks of the Carthaginians and, alternatively, of the Romans. Alexander would have to face both sooner or later. With his seasoned Macedonians, he would have created a Greek/Hellenistic world instead of the Latin one that Rome imposed on Western Europe. How different our world would have been!

A few words of praise for Oliver Stone’s vision of Alexander

Oliver Stone received loads of criticism for his Alexander movie, revisions, and comments as if he had it all wrong. Well, nobody from Alexander’s lifetime is still alive to contest what’s right or not. 

As said in my earlier blog post about Stone’s book Responses to Oliver Stone’s Alexander, it is so much easier to point out the shortcomings than to consider the author’s considerable merit. The critics seem to forget that Alexander’s life was far too complex, too active, too magnanimous, and too genial to be told in a movie of three hours for a public largely unacquainted with history or Alexander the Great. 

At the end of his book, Oliver Stone added a highly interesting chapter “Afterward”, an excellent explanation and justification for his vision of Alexander. I can only admire his stamina.  I saved this text from some link back in 2006 and had a fresh look at it today. It is striking to read how, nearly twenty years later, Stone’s approach to Alexander is still so close to the truth! 

His plea for humankind to understand Alexander is worthy of Demosthenes, the great Athenian orator. Here is an excerpt worth reading:

The response is in what Alexander did, and not his motives, which I suspect were something like most of ours: highly ambivalent, at times glorious, at times wretched. I sometimes feel professional historians, generally apart from the human give and take of the marketplace, expect too much from their leaders -- requiring them to act from abstract principles in a world harsh with chaos, greed and infighting. We can certainly say in Alexander’s defense that he kept the expedition marching eastward for 7 more years after Babylon, with a greatness of vision that could motivate a 120,000-man army. By leading from the front and sharing the burdens of his men, he showed himself above the comfort lines of materialism, and as a known foe of official corruption, he set high standards by punishing those found guilty of stealing, raping, plundering (including his school friend Eumenes). From all accounts written of Alexander, we see time and again, his great passion, pain, and self-torture in incidents such as the murder of Cleitus, the burning of Persepolis, the mutiny in India, the kissing of Bagoas in front of his men, and the bestowing of official acceptance on Asian men and womenfolk. There is no ancient ruler, outside of legend, that I have ever heard commit such potentially self-incriminating actions. This is, of course, one of the reasons his name continues to endure – who was ever remotely like him? ‘In the doing, always in the doing’, Alexander. 

Conquest is also a form of evolution. If Alexander had a smaller vision, he would’ve retreated long before to Babylon and consolidated his empire. He would’ve brought his mother, his sister and his entourage to the Persian Court. He would’ve made a stronger, more patient effort to combine Macedonian and Persian custom. This unification of cultures would’ve been the lifetime challenge for any emperor, and would’ve certainly changed the course of history. Why did he not? 

I see Alexander more as an explorer, like many others of such a nature, not quite knowing what’s going to come up on the horizon, yet boldly reaching for the new electrical charge of change. He stayed in motion until the end, and never returned to his Rome, London, Paris, Berlin, or Mongolia, as other conquerors have. He comes across in many ways as a man who was making it up as he went along -- from Babylon through Afghanistan, Pakistan, India, Bangladesh and back to Babylon -- where in the end, he remained unsatisfied, dreaming of his expedition to the West. I would call him not an imperialist as present fashion would have it, but rather a ‘proto-man’, an enlightened monarch naturally in search of one land, one world -- the unity, so to speak, of the womb. Given that Alexander might’ve had a longer lifetime to develop this experiment, his empire might’ve yielded perhaps six or seven centers -- such as Babylon, Alexandria, Athens, Carthage, Rome, South Spain, a world with nerve centers that supposes, to a surprising degree, the global world centers we have today – but with one world government, centered on enlightened monarchy, or, barring that, some form of governing body. 

In unconsciously pursuing this ‘one world’ concept, under the guise of a personal quest, the Alexander of the drama we created would have to be a man who believed he was the right force to bring the world into a greater sense of unification and prosperity, that he was a step in the evolutionary process. And given the cataclysms possible, I do think Alexander ruled extraordinarily well for 12 years over men, both noble and bestial, in a social fabric that not only maintained itself, but greatly expanded in terms of culture, scientific discovery, and economic progress. It’s so easy to dismiss this great effort, I think too easy, to declare it broken after 12 years of rule. But can we say it really broke apart? Even if dissolved in four parts, the basic communal energies remained in place, and his creation culminated shortly, within 150 years, in the burgeoning Roman Empire.

I cannot agree more!

Leptis Magna or What Rome must have looked like - Part I

Much of Roman Leptis Magna is still standing, disclosing monuments such as the Theater, the Market and Forum, the Nymphaeums, Baths, Temples, Arches, and Basilicas. Outside the Byzantine city walls are the large Amphitheater and the Circus. Living quarters are hardly noticeable as they generally remain hidden under the sand. 

The entrance to the site of Leptis Magna is only revealed once we reach the steps leading down to the Roman street level. Here stands the imposing Arch of Septimius Severus, a quadrifrons, an arch with four equal sides. Each side straddles the intersection of the roads, the north-south Cardo leading to the Old Forum and the Decumanus Maximus connecting Carthage to Alexandria. 

Although the Italian archaeologists did their best shifting through the many broken pieces, this reconstructed arch from 202 AD looks different from what one would expect. For instance, the eight peculiar pointed triangles on top of the Corinthian columns are totally out of place. The original marble reliefs in honor of Septimius Severus and his family are copies of the originals at the Leptis Magna and Tripoli museums. It is one of the strangest contraptions I've ever seen! This quadrifrons was clearly meant to impress as it stood on a pedestal three steps above the Roman street level. It is believed to be the work of craftsmen from Asia Minor. 

From here onward, the Cardo is lined with undefined buildings till it reaches two honorary arches. One to Emperor Tiberius and the other to Emperor Trajan. This last one was erected in 109 AD to celebrate his granting the city the status of colonia. 

Next to Trajan's Arch is a large rectangular building, the Chalcidicum. It is surrounded by a portico and flanked on either side by a Nymphaeum. Between them, a series of wide steps leads to a podium crowned with four Corinthian columns. The wall behind these columns is covered with an inscription where the word Chalcidicum appears. The name may refer to the trade of metals or the building's bronze doors. An outer colonnade surrounds this Chalcidicum, erected by a local dignitary during the reign of Augustus in 11-12 AD. 

At this point, my attention is drawn to the many columns standing high on top of a circular wall at the back of the Theater. This Theater is the calling card of Leptis Magna, as it appears in every travel brochure. It is awe-inspiring, with a diameter of 70 meters and its slow-rising rows of seats to accommodate 10,000 visitors. The columns above the seating area have been partially restored to illustrate the connection point of the covered portico that covered the Theater. At its center stood a small temple dedicated to Ceres, a typical Roman concept to bring play and religion together. It yielded a statue of Tyche (Fortuna), which is now at the Museum of Tripoli. 

Of particular interest is the bilingual inscription in Latin and Punic carved on the lintel above the side entrances below the stage. It tells us that this Theater was built during the reign of Emperor Augustus (27 BC - 14 AD) and donated by a wealthy citizen, Annobal Rufus. The Latin text mentions that he was the son of Himilchon and held the position of Consul Suffectus (the consul who completed the term of a deceased consul) and of flamen (priest devoted to the worship of a single god, meaning that he came from a patrician family).

Imp Ceasare Divi f(filio) Aug(usto) pont(ifice) max(imo) tr(ibunicia) pot(estate) XXIV co(n)s(ule) XIII patre pat(riae) Annobl Rufus ornator patriae amator concordiae / flamen sufes praef(ectus) scr(orum) Himilchonis Tapapi f(ilius) d(e) s(ua) p(ecunia) coer(avit) idemq(ue) Dedicavit

Interestingly, the imperial figure of Augustus was left out of the Punic text! 

The Dioscuri and Castor and Pollux statues once stood on either side of the stage. The marble balustrades were decorated with the heads of Heracles and Liber Pater (god of fertility and wine, later identified with Dionysus). Altogether, 133 statues have been retrieved and moved to the Museums of Tripoli and Leptis Magna. The many statues and decorations are indisputable and could rival only Rome. 

Immediately behind the podium of the Theater is a strange trapezoidal square, the Porticus post scaenam, delimited by tall gray granite columns. It surrounds the Sanctuary of the Divine Emperors or Dei Augusti, a shrine to the emperors, who were considered gods after their death. The Monument to the Severans has been added as an extension. 

Unlike the Romans, today's visitors to the Theater can thoroughly appreciate the contrast of the deep blue sea with the many cipollino and granite columns of the Theater and the Porticus. 

Nearby is the Market from 8 AD, an actual luxury square financed by the same Annobal Rufus. The master builder is said to have taken his inspiration directly from Rome, which he had visited. The main attraction here is the twin round kiosks in the middle of the market square. The slabs between the columns served as sale counters for fish, meat, vegetables, and fruit. They look like today's Market, but I can't imagine the unavoidable stench of fish and meat on a blistering hot day like today! Both kiosks were surrounded by octagonal porticos with columns made of cipollino marble with white marble Ionic capitals for the first and Pergamese for the second. We must mentally recreate the now-lost wooden table tops resting on the marble feet in the shape of dolphins. 

Noteworthy are the panels and lists where customers can check the correct measurement of their goods. One such panel shows three standard measures of length: the Punic cubit, which equals 51.5 cm; the Graeco-Roman foot, of 29.6 cm; and the Ptolemaic or Alexandrian cubit, which is 52.5 cm long. All measurements are divided into halves, thirds, fourths, eighths, sixteenths, and multiples. Who would have thought there were strict laws regulating the weights and measures in antiquity? The original panel is displayed at the local museum, but having a copy in situ is worthwhile! There are also large stone blocks with round and square holes where the correct quantity of grain and the like could be checked. Bronze control stamps confirm their official approval. Enough to leave anyone speechless! 

Two tetrapylons with ship reliefs on their base stood between these lovely buildings, once holding statues of the city's wealthy shipowners. Another statue honored a certain Porphyrius, who brought five live elephants to Leptis Magna. Just imagine them walking through here! 

The luxury of Leptis Magna is beyond anything I've ever seen, and I find it hard to believe how Rome could surpass this beauty, grandeur, ostentation, and extravagance. And yet there is more to come. 

[Read further at Leptis Magna or What Rome must have looked like - Part II)

An introduction to Leptis Magna in Libya

Alexander's presence in North Africa has been limited to Egypt, which in his days included Cyrene in modern Libya (see: Cyrene, founded by the Greeks). The king knew of the Phoenician colonies and Carthage further west, but they were not part of his plan then. 

My visit to Libya happened later, too, because the impressive ruins of Leptis Magna are far too Roman to fit into my Alexander picture. 

However, the opportunity to travel to Libya arose just before the outbreak of the Arab Spring. With hindsight, I've never been so lucky! Not only because of the timing of my visit but also because it was here at Leptis Magna that I really understood what the grandeur of Rome meant. It is an impression that the ruins of Rome itself cannot give us. 

Leptis Magna or Lepcis Magna is located on the coast of the Mediterranean, 120 km east of Tripoli. It was founded by the Carthaginians around the 7^th century BC at the mouth of the Wadi Lebda and at the end of the caravan route from the Sahara. Grain and olive oil were the primary export product, but wild animals from the hinterland were also traded and shipped. 

Carthage was involved in successive fights over the fertile lands of Sicily, facing the locals and the growing power of Rome. Carthage and Rome fought each other during the three Punic Wars, which ended with the total destruction of Carthage by the Romans in 146 BC.   

Thanks to the generosity of the local merchants, Leptis Magna already had numerous public buildings from the time of Augustus and Tiberius (first century AD).  

By the end of the second century, many Africans held high positions in Rome, and it is said that 15% of the Roman senators came from North Africa. Emperor Septimius Severus, who ruled from 193 to 211 AD, was born in Leptis Magna, and he wanted to build a city of imperial allure, a second Rome. 

He was an avid traveler and had visited every corner of his realm, casually crushing a rebellion here and conquering more land there. He spent the winter of 202-203 here in Leptis Magna. Septimius Severus had become wealthy from the goods he had confiscated from his enemies and could afford to undertake major construction projects. The best architects and sculptors of the time were brought here to build a new forum and a huge temple dedicated to the gods protecting the city. The harbor was expanded, the water supply was improved, and a richly decorated Triumphal Arch put Leptis Magna on the map. He brought peace and prosperity; the city counted at least 60 to 80,000 inhabitants in his heyday. Septimius Severus could afford some eccentricity because the population was on his side since he had granted them the ius italicum, an exemption from local taxes.

Despite all the prestige, Leptis Magna's days were numbered. The opulence of its people did not sit well with the Roman aristocracy and created a lot of envy. As a result,  most of the African property was confiscated, and soon decline set in. 

The city was seriously damaged by the earthquake of 262 AD. Emperor Diocletian ( see: Price list established by Emperor Diocletian) tried to restore order in the 3rd century by promoting Leptis Magna to the capital of the Province of Tripolitania. Yet, another devastating earthquake ravaged the city in 306 AD. 

With the Fall of the Roman Empire, Tripolitania remained part of the Western Roman Empire, i.e., under Rome's control, while the Cyrenaica was added to the Eastern Empire, i.e., Constantinople. By that time, the harbor of Leptis Magna silted up, and the Vandals moved from Rome to settle in the area. This definitely sealed the fate of the city. 

The Byzantine Empire took over and constructed the city wall, and many large buildings were converted into churches. After the Arab invasion in the 7th/8th century, Leptis Magna was still inhabited. Sadly, the grand city never reached its heyday from the 2nd and 3rd century AD. After the 11th century, Leptis Magna was abandoned and gradually disappeared into the sand. 

However, the magic lived on, and from the 17^th century onward, columns from Leptis Magna found their way to Europe. Versailles was a destination, together with the church of St-Germain-des-Prés in Paris. The Temple of the Gods, built in Windsor Great Park in 1826, has nine columns from Leptis Magna. 

In the 1920s and 1930s, Italian archaeologists excavated the site extensively, and the most beautiful artifacts were transferred to the Museum in Tripoli. Sadly, more recent diggings are at a standstill because of the political instability in Libya.

[Continue reading Leptis Magna or what Rome must have looked like - Part I]

An introduction to Pyrrhus of Epirus

It was quite a surprise to stand face-to-face with Pyrrhus in Albania. It happened at the entrance to the Skanderberg Museum in Kruje, where his life-sized bust stood right next to the imposing relief figure of Skanderbeg, Albania’s hero. 

Pyrrhus of Epirus was a great-nephew of Olympias and cousin of Alexander the Great – not a small introduction. He was born in c.319 BC – not the right time to be the heir to the Molossian throne of Epirus. He got caught up in the fiery dispute between the sons of Cassander and Thessalonica, and, reigning briefly as a minor, he had to flee his homeland. He joined the court of Demetrios I (Poliorketes) as an exile, and in 301 BC, aged 18, he fought at the Battle of Ipsus. 

As a pawn in the War of the Diadochi, Demetrios, to befriend Ptolemy, gave him Pyrrhus as a hostage. That’s how Pyrrhus arrived in Alexandria. Well, it was not the worst place to grow up, and Pyrrhus most certainly took advantage of the situation, not unlike what Philip II had done at the court of Thebes. He made his way in Egypt and eventually married one of Ptolemy’s daughters, Antigone. 

Four years later, in 297 BC, with Ptolemy’s support, Pyrrhus returned to Epirus and began taking control of his own life. He started expanding his kingdom by annexing Illyria. His ambitions were not small, for when Antigone died, Pyrrhus made three diplomatic marriages to live peacefully with his neighbors. His first wife was Lanassa, the daughter of Agathocles, tyrant of Syracuse. Her dowry was the islands of Leucas and Corcyra (modern Corfu). The next bride was the daughter of King Audoleon of the Paeonians living north of Macedonia. His third marriage was to Bircenna, daughter of the Illyrian King Bardylis II. Demetrios Poliorcetes as king of Macedonia, it should be said, had married Pyrrhus’ sister. 

By 288 BC, Pyrrhus turned against Demetrios and succeeded in getting the Macedonian army on his side. With Lysimachos as his new ally, they jointly ruled over Macedonia. Only for a while, though, since Lysimachos still had his mind set on all of Macedonia and expelled Pyrrhus. 

Once more, Demetrios and Pyrrhus made peace, which was again short-lived. When in 286 BC, Demetrios invaded Asia Minor, ruled by Lysimachos, the latter asked Pyrrhus to invade Thessaly to attack Demetrios from Greece. Pyrrhus soon defeated Antigonus Gonatas, Demetrios’ son, who surrendered Thessaly to him to make peace. 

Pyrrhus’ empire now included half of Macedonia, larger Epirus, and Thessaly. Yet, he still wanted more and eyed Magna Graecia, including the wealth of Sicily. His opportunity arose when Taras (modern Taranto) called for his help to repel an imminent Roman attack. Pyrrhus led his army across the Adriatic Sea, including 20 war elephants. He was victorious at Heraclea (modern Policoro, southwest of Metaponto) in 280 BC and a year later at Ausculum (modern Ascoli Satriano south of Foggia). 

At this point, Pyrrhus decided to stay in Italy, offering his help to Syracuse. He successfully lifted the Carthaginians’ siege in 278 BC and, in return, was proclaimed King of Sicily. The Medagliere, the strongbox room at Syracuse’s Museum, proudly exhibits coins of King Pyrrhus. 

His moment of glory would not last either because of the renewed threat from Carthage, ending Pyrrhus’ siege of Lilybaeum (modern Marsala) in a disaster. The people of Syracuse then decided not to continue the war. The Carthaginians defeated Pyrrhus in 275 BC on his return to Syracuse. 

At the end of that same year, Pyrrhus sailed back to Epirus, which, in his mind, offered new opportunities as his son, Ptolemy, tried to expand the kingdom. The next campaign took Pyrrhus to Argos in the Peloponnesus, where caught in a narrow street, he was killed by a woman who threw a tile from the housetop. 

This was not the death a man like Pyrrhus would have planned. He had fought in so many battles, always leading his men. He had been schooled by Demetrios Poliorketes, who had walked in the footsteps of Alexander and his father, Philip. He was not meant to die such an inglorious death. 

In the 2nd century AD, Pausanias witnessed a memorial to King Pyrrhus at Argos, integrating a panorama ‘carved in relief.’ The king was buried in his capital, Ambracia (a colony of Corinth in Epirus). 

Pyrrhus may have led a glorious life, but the Macedonians resented him because he let his Gauls plunder the tombs of the Macedonian kings at Aegae – an unforgivable crime!

Head of Alexander found in Italy

 The news, apparently, did not make headlines.

As I watched a documentary on National Geographic, I was introduced to the city of Terracina, where archaeologists are tracing the rise and coming to power of Rome. 

After a detour about the Roman conquest of Carthage, illustrated by the discovery of a ship’s ram near the Egadi Islands, I was taken to the site of Terracina, which was unknown to me. It is located about halfway between Rome and Naples on the ancient Via Appia. 

The modern city steadily stands among and on top of the ancient one. An excellent example to this effect is the old Forum, with its exposed, near-intact pavement. The marble slabs are being trodden by the feet of the tourists, often unaware of the imprint of the bronze inscription left by the local Roman magistrate, Aulus Aemilius. He rebuilt and paved the Forum, enhancing the place with porches and new civil and religious buildings. Amazingly, the Via Appia runs right alongside the Forum. 

On the cliff high above the city proper stood a most remarkable small Hellenistic temple from the 2^nd century BC. It is considered to be the oldest Hellenistic structure of its kind and the first terraced temple in the region. Archaeologists have not yet been able to define to which god it was dedicated. 

Its presence proves that Terracina was in close contact with other Hellenistic cities around the Mediterranean at a time when the Romans had not yet conquered all of Italy. 

The hill is nowadays known as Monte Sant’Angelo, maybe in memory of the religious ceremonies that were held here. 

In 2021, the surprise find was a terracotta head that shared the familiar traits of Alexander the Great. It is not clear whether it was unearthed in the little temple or the larger area of the sanctuary. 

We may safely assume that the presence of Alexander makes sense. After its victory over Carthage, Rome conquered Alexander’s homeland in the 2^nd century BC. In the process, it established itself as the new military power of the ancient Mediterranean world. Alexander’s deeds and conquests had served as Rome’s role model.

Unfortunately, I have not been able to get hold of a picture of this newly discovered Alexander head – maybe later?

[First picture from Following Hadrian; third picture from Archaeologywiki]