Alexander preparing for the siege of Tyre

After the Battle of Issus, Alexander was more determined than ever to take all the harbors of the eastern Mediterranean to outmaneuver the Persian maritime power. He marched to Marathus (modern Amrit) and from there onward to Byblos, who both surrendered. 

The next famous city on Alexander’s route was Sidon, whose inhabitants were only too happy to get rid of their Persian satrap, Straton. They welcomed the Macedonian king as their liberator. A new ruler had to be found, and Hephaistion was instructed to search for the appropriate candidate. King Abdalonymus was a respectable and honest man, and the people loved him. Out of gratitude for this appointment, Abdalonymus, at a later age, commissioned the famous Alexander sarcophagus that is now on display at the Archaeological Museum of Istanbul.  

As Alexander marched further south, he reached powerful Phoenician Tyre. The city had prospered because of its trade in purple dye, which was highly valued throughout the ancient world. Already in the early 6^th century BC, this richness had attracted the attention of King Nebuchadnezzar II of Babylon. He laid siege to Tyre for 13 years without success. This simply illustrates the challenges Alexander was about to face.  

Tyre was of strategic importance, a massive fortress island surrounded by well-defended high walls separated from the mainland by a deep channel. It had two natural harbors, one on the north side facing Sidon and another one south looking towards Egypt. The Tyrians felt pretty secure since they enjoyed the protection of a substantial Persian fleet in both ports. 

Before reaching the city, Alexander was met by its envoys, stating that they would abide by any of his instructions. The Macedonian king gracefully thanked the representatives and expressed his wish to enter Tyre to sacrifice to Heracles, who was, in fact, their god Melqarth or Baal. Basically, the Tyrians accepted Alexander’s arrival but refused to admit him or his Macedonians inside their fortress on the island. 

Alexander needed to take Tyre to safeguard his back on his march further south to Egypt. The only way was to lay siege to the city – a tremendous and complicated task because he had disbanded most of his own fleet and the remaining ships were no match to the Persian forces. Clearly, the fortress could not be taken from the sea alone, and thus Alexander decided to build a causeway to connect the island to the mainland. It was a tedious and dangerous operation as the Tyrians had no intention to let this happen. 

Construction went underway and progressed steadily in the shallow waters near the coastline. Stones from the old city of Tyre were used for the foundation of the mole, and piles were driven into the mud to keep the stones in place (see: Alexander's Isthmus, Tyre, Lebanon). But as the Macedonians reached deeper water, matters changed dramatically. Progress slowed down because many more stones were needed to fill the depth while the Tyrian ships could now approach the causeway and attack the exposed workers. In response, Alexander built two towers mounted with artillery and faced them with hides to somehow protect his soldiers on the mole. The army could drive the enemy away from their precarious shelter with their own missiles. 

The Tyrians were not to be discouraged and decided to take a cattle-ship and stuff it with dry brushwood and straw. They added two masts to create a higher pile of inflammable material, including pitch and sulfur, to fan the fire. They also attached caldrons filled with liquids that could be poured onto the fire to increase its fury. To ensure these vessels would come as close as possible to the causeway, they added heavy ballast in the aft section to lift the bows to a maximum. Triremes pulled these burning vessels close to the Macedonia towers, and as they caught fire, the Tyrians withdrew immediately to save themselves. The fire was an absolute inferno. 

Although this attack meant a severe setback, it would not deter Alexander from executing his plan. Instead of repairing the substantial devastation, he started the works all over again. He built a broader mole at the shoreside with enough space for more towers and instructed his engineers to construct new engines.

  

Alexander, as always, saw the greater picture. He moved back to Sidon to gather as many ships as possible to annihilate the enemy navy since that was imperative to conquer Tyre. At this stage, the king was joined by two Persian satraps, who, after learning that Aradus and Byblos were in Macedonian hands, decided to side with Alexander. Sidon contributed with its own warships, bringing the total Phoenician ships to about eighty. After his victory at Issus and having taken Phoenicia, Alexander’s fleet was spontaneously joined by Rhodes with ten ships, three ships from Soli and Mallus, and ten more from Lycia. The king of Cyprus also decided to join his forces to Alexander’s and sailed to Sidon with some 120 ships. With so many of these previously Persian allies now fighting on Alexander’s side, the situation of the Macedonians suddenly looked much better. 

This most certainly was the turning point in the entire siege! 

Continued in Alexander besieging Tyre.

[Pictures from World History, Dan Diffendale (Melquart) and United States Military Academy, Dept of History (map)]

The role of Cyprus in Alexander’s campaign

Because of its copper mines, Cyprus was famous for producing armor, swords, and other objects in bronze since early antiquity. Another richness of the island was its shipbuilding and its navy, which made it the envy of many nations and kings. Besides, the island occupies a strategic position for those conquerors who aimed to control Asia Minor and Egypt. 

With more or less success, the Persians ruled over Cyprus since the 6th century BC. This situation changed after Alexander’s battle at Issus and his victorious campaigns on the coast of Asia Minor, Syria, and Phoenicia. The Cypriots realized that sooner or later, the Macedonian king would occupy their island too. They decided to make their fleet, which hitherto had been at the service of the Persians, available to Alexander. In exchange, they acquired their political independence. 

It is probably around this time that the King of Citium (the ancient name for Larnaca) gave Alexander a masterly executed sword, which Plutarch described as exceptionally light and well-tempered (see: Alexander’s battle outfit) 

As Alexander approached Tyre in 332 BC, he was not welcome to enter the city. He had no choice but to lay siege to Tyre, which was situated on an offshore island. This would not stop Alexander, who built a mole of 750 meters to connect the island to the mainland. All that time, the Tyrenians continued to defend their city by all means available. Besides, they received help from the sea as the Persian fleet had free access to both the north and south harbors. 

Since Alexander’s own reduced fleet was no match against the Persians, he called upon his allies to assist him. Eighty Phoenician triremes arrived along with nine from Rhodes, three from Soli and Mallus, ten from Lycia, and fifty-oared vessels from Macedonia joined in. Cyprus dispatched 120 warships, a substantial number to efficiently swell Alexander’s naval force. With his fleet in position, the king was ready to launch his joint land and naval operation, and he successfully captured Tyre. He thus ended a siege that had lasted for nine months. 

The seafaring experience of the Cypriots was a precious asset for Alexander, even during his later campaigns. He cut the ships into manageable sections and hauled them overland all the way to India. More than anywhere else, the crafts were handy to cross the many rivers of the Punjab and their tributaries. When the king decided to sail down the Indus to the Outer Ocean, he had his engineers (many of them from Cyprus) build ships of different sizes and shapes to transport troops and animals downstream. Shipbuilders and rowers from Egypt, Phoenicia, and Caria joined the Cypriot forces to create this flotilla led by the specially appointed admiral Nearchus. 

After the death of Alexander in 323 BC, Cyprus fell under Ptolemaic rule and eventually became fully Hellenized. 

[Picture from Heritage Daily, credit Anna Kubicka] 

Today, archaeologists have discovered a unique rock-cut banqueting site in Paphos. It is located close to a temple near the top of Fabrika Hill. Such a place would be used to share the meat of the animals sacrificed on the adjacent monumental altar. Such rituals were common in Cyprus and in other Mediterranean cultures like the Nabataeans in Petra, Jordan. However, this is the first such example unearthed in Cyprus. Religious banquets in the open air are usually held in semi-circular constructions and present a round depression in the center to drain the libations in honor of the gods. 

So far, archaeologists have not been able to identify with certainty which God was worshiped, but Aphrodite is the most likely candidate since she was born from the sea, not far from Paphos. The banqueting site and the temple were used from the 2nd century BC onward. The city, however, was founded earlier, sometime during the 4^th century BC. It was abandoned probably after the earthquake of circa 150 AD.

Hoping to find traces of Alexander at Magarsus

After Alexander recovered from his illness in Tarsus, he first marched on Soli, located a few miles west of modern Icil. He imposed a fine of 200 talents because the city supported the Persian cause. Although they were allowed to keep their own popular government, he nevertheless installed a garrison of his own. After the Battle of Issus in November 333 BC, Alexander canceled the debt of fifty talents Soli still owed, and he returned their hostages. This kindness was reciprocated to Alexander when he was laying siege on Tyre one year later, and three ships from Soli joined the reinforcement fleet of eighty Phoenician vessels and several others.

Once his business was finished at Soli, Alexander returned to Tarsus. The time had come to set his army in motion, and he marched to Magarsus, the most southerly point between the Seyhan and the Ceyhan rivers, near modern Karataş, which served as a port to Mallus. The king then moved to Mallus, a few kilometers further inland (possibly near modern Kızıltahta), and exempted the town from paying taxes because it was a colony of Argos.

This is about as much as we know of Alexander’s presence in Magarsus, where excavations were initiated as recently as 2013. The city was named after the Magarsia sisters of the Temple of Athena, founded at some date during the 5^th century BC.

[Picture from the Hurriyet Daily News]

So far, the theatre offering seating for 4,000 people has been excavated. It is 150 meters high and 30 meters wide and is turned towards the sea. Authorities hope to open the theatre soon for modern-day performances.

Next season’s excavations which probably will start in March or April, will focus on Magarsus’ Cilician Stadium and many temples. Useless to say that I have secret hopes that some traces of Alexander the Great’s passage will also be found.

The Battle of Issus, where Alexander and Darius faced each other for the first time

Ever since his victory at the Granicus, Alexander knew that sooner or later he would have to face the bulk of the Persian army again and, more importantly, King Darius in person. In the Summer of 333 BC, when he had successfully crossed the Taurus Mountains, news reached him that Darius had left Babylon with a huge force of combatants. His army was in slow motion, not only because of its size but also because Darius took his entire retinue with him and an elaborate baggage train. His mother, Queen Sisygambis, his wife and sister Stateira, and their three children accompanied him, together with their servants, ladies from the harem, advisers, physicians, soothsayers, eunuchs, cooks, and all those that were part of Persian pomp and circumstance. Darius halted in the plain near Sochi, just east of the Amanus Mountains, which run parallel to Turkey’s coastline at the point where it makes a right-angle turn to the south. Here, he put his army in position and waited for Alexander, but Alexander did not show up.

Unknown to Darius, Alexander was delayed at Tarsus, struck with fever, and incapable of moving for several weeks. After he recovered, he set out to clean up the hill tribes of Cilicia and spent time celebrating his victory over Halicarnassus, where he had left Ptolemy the year before to finish the siege. It was October by the time Alexander marched to Magarsus, the most southerly point between the Seyhan and the Ceyhan Rivers, near modern Karataş, which served as the port for Mallus (possibly near today’s Kızıltahta). It was here that he heard the news that Darius had taken position on the other side of the Amanus Mountains.

The situation now was serious and called for immediate action. Alexander set his army in motion to meet his Persian enemy, for this was the battle he had waited for all his life.

Darius’ choice of location was excellent, but whether he listened to ill advice from his entourage or became impatient when Alexander did not show up, he decided to move his army in order to confront Alexander. He sent most of his treasury and luxurious paraphernalia of his baggage train to Damascus for safety, together with the gear and womenfolk of his officers. Darius’ own mother, wife, and children stayed with him as he started moving north along the eastern flanks of the mountains, which he crossed at the Amanus Pass or Amanian Gate. Alexander, meanwhile, had moved south along the coast and occupied Issus. By a strange combination of circumstances, both armies passed each other unknowingly in the opposite direction and on the opposite side of the mountain range. Alexander had already crossed the pass called the Pillars of Jonah south of Issus when he was informed that Darius was in his back, dangerously threatening his line of supply. Darius had indeed reached Alexander’s baggage train at Issus, where the king had left the sick and those unfit for service. It was the mutilated survivors who brought the bad news to Alexander. Yet, he still could not believe the report and ordered some of his companions to ascertain the situation and sail back to Issus. Soon enough, they returned to confirm that the Persian army had set up camp along the Pinarus River (modern Payas River), south of Issus.

It is hard to estimate the size of Darius’ army as figures cannot be trusted and differ widely from one source to the other. Some say that the Persians had twice as many soldiers as Alexander – it could well be. Whatever the truth, we can be certain that the Persians outnumbered the Macedonians, but on the narrow flat between the mountains and the sea, this did not really play to their advantage. Darius had set up his forces along the opposite bank of the river, occupying the entire width between the Amanus Mountains and the sea. At his center, Darius had posted his Greek mercenaries, to his right on the seaside, he placed his cavalry since that flat terrain was most suitable for horses, and at his left, he positioned a smaller detachment of cavalry preceded by slingers and javelin-throwers.

As soon as the news reached Alexander, he immediately jumped into action. First, his men should take a rest and eat. At the same time, he sent a small party to hold the Pillars of Jonah over which he would have to retrace his steps. By nightfall, the signal was given to start the march, and when the Macedonians reached the pass around midnight, they were allowed another rest. At first daylight, they resumed their march. At its narrowest part, the pass only allowed four men or two horses to pass abreast, but Alexander had his plan all worked out. First to cross the defile were the infantry, and as soon as they emerged from the pass and reached more open terrain, he instructed them to gradually extend their front line but to keep it coherent at all times. As they reached more open ground, he put every detachment in place between the hills on his right and the sea on his left. The cavalry was last to come across, and in the first stage, Alexander split them up between his far left and far right flanks. All through the operation, he kept riding back and forth among his troops, speaking encouraging words, holding them back here, and moving them closer together there. Both Arrian and Curtius spend many lines describing Alexander’s speeches and personal addresses to his commanders and even to individuals of lower ranks, making sure to touch every man’s pride and to get their mind ready for the battle to come.

The confrontation took place on either the 5^th or the 6^th of November, when daylight is very short. So even with an early start, it would have taken Alexander most of the day to cross the pass. By late afternoon, his army arrived at the Pinarus, ready to fight. What a march this had been! Still, Alexander was in no hurry – the Persians were not going anywhere – and Arrian even says that at times his advance was slow and deliberate, “giving the impression that time was on his side”. He must have tantalized Darius’ nerves! What a masterly control of the situation!

It transpires that Alexander’s approach was a cool-blooded one, taking his time to spread out and to position his troops to face the enemy. He kept on moving forward in line and at a deliberate pace. His Macedonian phalanx at the center was placed opposite the Greek mercenaries in Persian service. Parmenion was in overall command of the left flank at the head of the Greek Allied Cavalry and had to face the heavy Persian cavalry, which vastly outnumbered his own forces. He had received clear instructions to keep as close as possible to the waterfront in order to oppose an enemy move that could outflank him. Craterus at the head of his infantry was to stay in touch with him, as were all the other battalions further down the line towards Alexander, who occupied the right flank with his Cavalry Companions, as usual. On the bluffs above Alexander were two detachments of Persian light infantry. Alexander attacked first, sending two companies to clear that outcrop that endangered his right back. The enemy didn’t put up much resistance and fled, leaving Alexander with one worry less. Behind the central phalanx, Alexander kept his own mercenary troops on standby, just as Darius had a line of infantry reserves in the back of his attacking line.

Through all these maneuvers, Alexander kept a close eye on his opponent across the river. He noticed that Darius moved his cavalry away from the hills where, because of the broken terrain, they were not of much use. They were instead sent to reinforce his attack on the Macedonian left at the seaside. Till then, Alexander had kept his Thessalian Cavalry with him, but noticing the Persian move, he sent them with all speed to support Parmenion with clear instructions to conceal their move while passing behind the massed Macedonian infantry.

It is not easy to reconcile the accounts of this battle as told by the ancient historians, but it seems that Darius had a sound plan by making the most of his cavalry in the hope of encircling Alexander’s forces and pinning him down against the mountains. It makes you wonder whether Alexander had considered this possibility or predicted this to happen, yet the fact remains that his Thessalian cavalry arrived in time to take the Persians by surprise and to charge their cavalry back across the river. It was a fierce fight, and a bloody one besides that, but in the end, it proved that Alexander outmaneuvered Darius.

While the action on his left flank was unfolding, Alexander, facing the weak Persian left, rushed forward to attack. Arrian tells us that he charged “on the double” across the river, but, contrary to the general assumption, this does not mean that he was riding his horse but rather leading his hypaspists across (a matter of translation, I am told). Anyone who stood upriver as I did a few years ago will notice the broken terrain, which does not allow a cavalry charge anyway. It is indeed more likely that Alexander sent a detachment of his light cavalry supported by light infantry to hold the enemy at bay while he and his Companions forded the river and were able to form up in their wedge formation. With these elite troops, Alexander charged the small Persian forces that opposed him and eliminated them. 

Alexander now reached the crucial point of his plan: with the support of his Companions, he turned left straight into the Persian center where Darius stood. This is the same maneuver he used at Granicus a year earlier and that he will repeat at Gaugamela and on the Hydaspes!

The Macedonian center was slower to move across the river, which, although rather narrow at their position, was very steep, with banks reaching up to 2-4 meters, not the ideal terrain to attack while keeping in formation. The phalanx was pinned down for a while, and a gap opened between them and Alexander’s cavalry, exposing their vulnerable side where the Persian attackers were out of reach of the sarissai. Yet by chance or thanks to his exceptional good timing, Alexander’s flanking move to the left coincided perfectly with the arrival of his hypaspists under Nicanor and the heavy infantry under Perdiccas and Coenus. As soon as these formations were on the Persian side of the river, Alexander’s remaining elite infantry followed suit, and the Greek mercenaries fighting for the Persian king and the rest of the Persian contingents were squeezed in the two-pronged penetration Alexander had thus created between him and Parmenion’s cavalry at the other end of this line. The bloodiest fights may have occurred right here, where you had to kill or at least incapacitate the man in front of you to get to the next. Every soldier, it seems, was aiming at the Persian King, who in turn was fiercely defended by his own generals.

It is estimated that the battle took no more than an hour, one hour and a half max. It is certain that the shock of the Macedonian joint attack from across the Pinarus was too much for the Persians, who quickly started to retreat. But the retreat was severely hampered by the second line of light-armed soldiers positioned behind the turning Persians, who, unaware of what was happening up front, were pushing forward to the battle scene. One can only imagine the onslaught and chaos that occurred when these two forces collided, with the Macedonians pushing the fleeing troops in front of them. This is where most of the Persians were killed.

Some sources claim that Darius fled right from the onset of the fight, but it is more probable that he started fleeing only after his wounded and frightened horses began to panic with the piles of corpses piling up around them. The description of a fleeing Darius, leaving behind his chariot as well as his mantle and his weapons, is the picture on the well-known mosaic found at the House of the Faun in Pompeii. As soon as the entire Persian army was routed, Alexander set in his pursuit but was cut short when darkness fell.

Had he captured Darius, Alexander would have conquered Persia there and then, and the war would have been over. History would have taken a completely different turn, but as the situation was now, another battle was inevitable. Unknown to either king, this was going to be fought on the plains of Gaugamela two years later.

[Click here for more pictures of Issus and the battlefield along the Pinarus River]