Updating the location of the Granicus Battlefield

We like to believe that archaeologists merely scratch the soil to expose some remains of times past and ideally discover some gold and silver treasure. That is a very idealistic picture, far from the truth. 

Many people forget that excavations can take up to a lifetime to yield some results. Famous examples are men like Heinrich Schliemann in Troy, Arthur Evans in Crete, and more recently Prof. Marc Waelkens in Sagalassos and Manolis Andronicos in Vergina. However, the historical picture they created has been revised since. Schliemann erroneously dated the layers of Troy, Evans partially fabricated Crete by wishful thinking, and the occupant of Vergina’s Tomb is still disputed. 

[Picture from Arkeonews]

The Granicus Battlefield is no exception. Based on excavations and observations since the 19th century, the site of the battle had been identified north of the village of Çınarköprü on the River Biga, which in antiquity was known as the Granicus. That was the site I visited in 2007 (see: The Battle of the Granicus). It lies about 100 kilometers east of Çanakkale on the river that empties into the Propontis, modern Sea of Marmara. 

For the past 20 years or so, Prof. Reyhan Korpe, historian from Çanakkale Onsekiz Mart University (ÇOMÜ), led the team that shed new light on the location of the battlefield. It is obvious that I have to revise my standpoint. 

His recent excavations using modern techniques, including geomorphological surveys, exposed new evidence. For instance, the city of Hermaion, which Arrian calls Hermoton, was located on Alexander’s route to the Granicus. It could also be determined that the hitherto assumed site of the battle was a marsh in antiquity, making it unsuitable for an army to move, and that the course of the Granicus River had not changed much in the past two thousand years. Further investigation led to a hill to the east of the battlefield that has now been established near Gümüşçay, i.e., further south than previously reported. Said hill matches the spot where Greek mercenaries in Persian service were positioned, as documented in ancient sources. 

Now, 18 years after my last visit to the Granicus, the area of the battlefield has shifted further south. In my eyes, this new enlarged location makes more sense since there is more space on the wide plain for both armies to maneuver. I hope the river banks are not as steep as near Çınarköprü, where I wondered how the phalanx was able to stay in formation during the crossing. I may well have to return to the Granicus soon! 

                                                  [Picture from Arkeolojikhaber]

It is interesting to read Prof. Reyhan Korpe’s analysis of this part of the Troad region, where he has identified nine ancient cities. We tend to forget that this area was one of the richest in the Persian Empire – hence the numerous tumuli that dot the landscape. No wonder the Persians meant to stop Alexander’s advance immediately after he landed in Asia Minor.

It is worth mentioning that the overall landscape of the Granicus Battlefield has retained much of the appearance it would have had in Alexander’s days, as the agricultural activities have not led to any substantial destruction. 

Owner of the Tomb of Vergina still questioned

Historical events are gladly twisted and turned to make an interesting or commercially profitable story. Some or even many of these tales can stay alive for years, even centuries. 

The most absurd theory is about Alexander being buried in Macedonia and not in Egypt. The other recurring discussion is about the Tomb in Vergina that has been attributed to Philip II, Alexander’s father, by Manolis Andronicos in 1977 (see: Vergina, The Royal Tombs by Manolis Andronicos).

[Picture Credit: A. Bartsiokas]

The next best candidate for the Tomb of Vergina is Philip III Arrhideus, as discussed in my post Questioning the Tomb of King Philip II, father of Alexander the Great, in November 2009, and Philip’s Tomb at Vergina, is it or is it not in January 2016. This last one is based on studies by Antonis Bartsiokas, Democritus, University of Thrace, Komotini, who worked on the Vergina tombs. 

Only recently, a sacred purple-dyed cotton chiton of Alexander has been discovered in the golden larnax of Tomb II, thought to be Philip’s. 

This garment is most remarkable because cotton was first introduced to the Macedonians when they reached India in 327 BC. According to Antonis Bartsiokas, the tunic matches the description of a ceremonial outfit, a sarapis, as worn by King Darius and later adopted by Alexander. A closer analysis revealed the presence of huntite, a bright white mineral uncommon in Greece but used in ancient Persia, between the layers of cotton. These white stripes are also seen in Alexander’s outfit as depicted in the fresco above the entrance door of what is supposedly Philip’s tomb. This, the author says, strengthens his theory that this sarapis is “the same one that Alexander would have worn in official ceremonies”. 

[Picture Credit: A. Bartsiokas]

Why this fabric suddenly appears inside the larnax is puzzling, to say the least, since the cremated bones and a large gold wreath of oak leaves and acorns were removed years ago.

Why the chiton is linked to the image of a juvenile Alexander in the fresco of the tomb is not exactly in line with Alexander as King of Persia wearing a cotton chiton with traces of huntite.

And why can we be sure this sarapis is the one Alexander wore and not Philip III Arrhideus, as he too became King of Kings? 

Presently, Antonis Bartsiokas also states “that many objects found in Tomb II actually belonged to Alexander the Great,” including a golden diadem, a scepter, and the earlier mentioned oak wreath. Here, Philip II is not even mentioned! This would imply that Andronicos had it all wrong. Of course, this is history in the making, and new discoveries and interpretations surface time and again. 

We’ll see…

Inconclusive analysis of Philip’s Tomb at Vergina

No more speculations, no more discussions, the remains inside the gold larnax that was retrieved from the tomb of Vergina in the 1970s by Manolis Andronicos are indeed those belonging to King Philip II, the father of Alexander the Great. A scientific bone analysis published in the International Journal of Osteoarchaeology has confirmed this theory based on computed tomography (CT) and X-ray fluorescence (XRF). During the scientific research, experts also found scars on the bones that match Philip’s battle wounds. They used no less than 4,500 digital photographs and scans, scrutinizing every single bone, each tooth, and each and every other fragment that was locked inside the larnax.

[Picture from the Greek Reporter]

As positive as this may sound, there seem, however, to be certain restrictions, as from further investigations I read that “sharp trauma to one of the bones of his palm is actually the only injury the researchers found that lines up with historical accounts”. The bones belong to a male aged about 40-50 years, and wear and tear due to extensive horseback riding has also been established. But for now, this only means that it is reasonable but not conclusive to confirm that the remains found in the Tomb ascribed to Philip II are his. How to make headlines, I wonder!

I was hoping that at last, this great king, the one who put Macedonia on the map, might rest in peace, but we are not there yet.

In the same article, a female skeleton buried in the same tomb has been analyzed. This is being referred to as belonging to a Scythian princess, Philip’s seventh wife. This statement left me puzzled when I read about this a few months ago, for I had never heard of such a marriage (see: The many wives of Philip II); Philip's seventh wife was Cleopatra, whom he had married shortly before being murdered. Yet, according to an article published by Mediterraneo Antiguo it seems that as early as 1978, NGL Hammond had suggested that this woman could be the daughter of the Scythian King Ateas. She had injured her left leg and the short greave found in the tomb might just have been hers and not Philip’s. This might also explain the presence of the Scythian gorytos found in the antechamber.

It just looks as if we are back to square one. Only time will tell, as usual!

The King is dead, long live the King!

Most histories about Alexander the Great simply start with his kingship and immediately jump to his conquest of Asia. This is where he spent the most important part of his life and where the great battles were fought. Still, he could not have even considered this campaign had he not first settled the unrest in Greece and the Macedonian northern borders – a fact that is often omitted, unfortunately.

In July 336 BC, just twenty years old, Alexander unexpectedly became the new King of Macedonia, and his life was to take a new turn. The most pressing matter was evidently to consolidate his place on the throne and to eliminate all those who could have been involved in the murder of his father. Next, he had to consider and evaluate all the pretenders to the throne that could be a threat - among them was Amyntas, the son of Philip's brother Perdiccas, now a grown man. Alexander, however, spared his simple-minded half-brother Arrhidaeus. And …. His final priority was his father's funeral, the construction of a vast pyre set afire in the presence of the entire Macedonian army, and the transfer of his remains to his last resting place inside the Royal Tomb outside the walls of Aegae. – a tomb that was found intact in 1977 by Manolis Andronicos.

No doubt, Alexander was itching to move on in his father's footsteps and set out for Asia as soon as possible, but more urgent matters kept him in Pella for a while. Athens had rejoiced at Philip's death, and many other cities still resented that Philip's Macedonia ruled the Greeks as Hegemon of the League of Corinth, a title that Alexander inherited, much to their discomfort and sorrow.

With the support of the army, Alexander marched south into Thessaly, where his route was blocked at the Tempe Pass. Instead of attacking the Thessalians head-on, he simply marched around the pass, settling the opponent's resistance once and for all. As he won the support of northern and central Greece, Athens could only do the same, and they sent their pledges of support to the new king. Leaving Athens for what it was, Alexander traveled to Corinth to ensure all the Greeks swore their oath of allegiance as they had done to his father before.

Now that Greece was secured, Alexander returned home for the winter, planning his spring campaign in Thrace to settle the unrest among the Triballi and the Illyrians living along Macedonia's northern border. This would be his first test with the army and asserting his authority as king before crossing to Asia.

In the spring of 335 BC, he left Amphipolis and was soon met by the Thracians, who held the pass over Mount Haemus. The enemy had hauled wagons up the pass to let them thunder down on the Macedonian army as soon as they were within reach. Alexander assessed the situation and ordered the phalanx to open up their ranks to let the wagons run through; where there was no space for the soldiers to step aside, they were instructed to lie down on the ground and lock their shields over their heads. As a result, the Thracian wagons hardly did any damage. It should be noted that the army followed Alexander's orders, showing that they trusted their commander – a matter of detail but a crucial point! It is said that 1,500 Thracians were killed, and their women and children were sent to Macedonia to be sold as slaves.

Alexander's next goal was the Triballi, who lived along the southern banks of the Danube River. Their strength was their many well-concealed defensive positions, and Alexander first had to dislocate them to attack them in open battle. One such encounter happened in their refuge on an island in the middle of Lyginus River, and Alexander sent out a small contingent of slingers and archers to lure them out of their hiding places. This stratagem worked as he intended, for soon, the Triballi rushed out in force only to be met by the whole Macedonian army. About 3,000 Triballi were killed, and those remaining sought refuge on the island of Peuces in the middle of the Danube, which had natural defenses because of its high banks, rocks, and the fast-flowing river. Since a front attack would be too costly, Alexander decided to wait and simply cut off the enemy's supply routes.

Unexpectedly, the Getae from the plains north of the Danube showed up with a force of 10,000 infantry and 4,000 cavalry, which could not be ignored because of their sheer number. Alexander decided to cross the Danube overnight with 4,000 men and 1,500 cavalry, using some small boats but mainly using floating devices made from the Macedonian leather tents filled with straw. When the Getae discovered them at daybreak, they fled. The fight was over before it began, and Alexander simply destroyed their crops. This meant that the Triballi on their island were entirely isolated, and all they could do was surrender. And so they did, together with the stray Thracians and Celts from the Balkans.

Behind Alexander's back, the Illyrians now revolted. Cleitus, the formidable king of the Dardani (from around Kosovo), had persuaded the Autariatae (from around Bosnia) to join forces and attack Alexander on his march to meet him. Even the Taulantii (from around Tirana) would march to join Cleitus. Alexander had to act fast so he would not be enclosed on all sides. He foiled Cleitus' plan and marched to Paeonia (Skopje), across the plains of Florina, to the heart of Illyria at Pelium, where Cleitus was holding a fortress. The Taulantians did not arrive in time to join forces with Cleitus; Alexander was there first. When he learned that the Taulantii had not posted sentries around their nearby camp, he immediately attacked them by night. Caught by surprise, they surrendered, leaving Alexander with one enemy less to face. On his way to attack Cleitus, a more pressing matter demanded his attention: Thebes had revolted and called the other Greeks to end Macedonian rule! This required a drastic change of plans. Luckily for Alexander, Cleitus escaped from the fortress but did not raise arms against him again; the Illyrians even sent troops to join Alexander's forces in Asia.

The attitude of Thebes was of the utmost importance. Thebes was endangering Alexander's hegemony of the League of Corinth and breaching the basic constitution of the Treaty. Thebes had signed the Common Peace and could not legally revolt unless it faced the armies of all the other League members. Alexander must have felt that Thebes' revolt was putting his authority in the balance and, on a personal level, that they were hampering his plans to attack Persia.

Alexander force-marched his army south from Illyria, covering 400 kilometers in 13 days over mountainous terrain, crossing Mount Grammus, Mount Pindus, and Mount Cambunia, allowing his men only one day's rest in Thessaly. This was so fast (more than 30km/day) that even the Thebans didn't believe it was Alexander standing before their city gates! Athens, who at first had taken side with Thebes, now withdrew (freaking out, no doubt), leaving Thebes to fight the battle on their own from the well-fortified Cadmea, where the Macedonian garrison was still surrounded by the Thebans. In the battle that ensued and despite their fortified position, the Thebans had to give way to the Macedonians led by Alexander personally. At least 6,000 Thebans died in the last stand, and 30,000 were taken prisoner to be enslaved. Unsurprisingly, Alexander wanted to set an example for the other members of the League of Corinth. At the same time, he diplomatically left the punishment of Thebes to the League, which urged the city's total destruction. At this stage, I believe Athens got scared and sent an embassy to congratulate Alexander for his victory over the Illyrians, and probably against their will, with his punishment of Thebes. To cut the matter short, Alexander demanded several of their politicians to be handed over to him, men like Demosthenes, Lycurgus, and Hyperides, but Demades, another Athenian orator, was able to convince Alexander to change his mind. Well, after all, now that Thebes was razed to the ground and cities like Corinth and Chalcis were in his hands, he could be generous towards Athens, which no longer had any support from other cities.

It was time for Alexander to return home, and nobody dared doubt his leadership. He spent nine days at Dion, the Macedonian sanctuary at the foothills of Mount Olympus, to feast in honor of the Muses and Zeus. He held several banquets in his royal tent that could fit one hundred couches, a true feast, Macedonian style. The vast plain at the foot of the old Greek theater is still there to kindle our imagination.

Back home, games were organized to honor the Olympian Zeus at Aegae. It was here that he issued the first coins bearing the image of Alexander; this was in 335 BC. He was now indeed King of Macedonia, feared and/or respected by all of Greece. He could now concentrate on the invasion of Asia. That is how he spent the winter, and in the early days of spring 334 BC, he set his army in motion, leaving Macedonia in the hands of his Regent, Antipater. Alexander would never see his homeland again.

The tomb of King Philip II of Macedonia in Vergina

The pride of Macedonia lies under the large tumulus of Vergina, where the intact Tomb of King King Philip of Macedonia was found in 1977. Today’s visitor to the 13-meter-high grave site will discover a splendid museum nearly one hundred meters in diameter. To walk around under this artificial hill is an absolutely unique experience as you make one discovery after the other. My main attraction and primary purpose is to visit the tomb of Alexander’s father, King Philip. 

It is dark inside the tumulus as only the artifacts in the showcases and the tomb entrances are lit up. A wide wooden staircase leads down to the impressive entrance door to Philip’s tomb. The facade shines in the spotlights, and I feel a magnetic attraction, like a moth towards the light. A huge Plexiglas wall separates me from the majestic entrance door with its delicate colors. For a moment, I’m disappointed that I am not allowed inside, but it makes sense to keep out the crowds that might influence the conservation and preservation of the structure and its decoration. I stare at the bright colors that have defied so many centuries. The closed door is flanked by two half-Doric columns, followed by a flat pillar trimmed with a red and blue band at the top. Above the doorway, the triglyphs have been painted dark blue with ditto guttae, resting on a bright-red regulae. As a crown above it runs a 5.6-meter-long fresco of a hunting party in full action set in a wooded area. This is high-quality work executed in magnificent pastel colors. One of the boys on horseback is thought to be Alexander. This landscape is framed at the top and bottom by a line of egg motives alternatively colored in red and blue, and the cornice above looks as if it were painted just yesterday. I’m entirely taken by this richness in color, having my vantage point all to myself for a moment – as if I am being received by a special audience. Climbing back the squeaking steps, it all feels terribly unreal, more like a dream. No description or picture can prepare you for such a lavish decoration on such an impressive monument!

According to Macedonian customs, the King’s body had been cremated and the remaining bones washed in wine before being wrapped in a purple cloth which in turn was carefully placed inside a golden chest or larnax, together with his royal crown made of gold oak leaves. This larnax is on ostentatious display, proudly showing its 7.820 kilograms of pure hammered gold. The Macedonian sun with 16 rays can be seen on the top lid, and a band of rosettes filled with blue enamel runs around the box between reliefs of palmettos and lotus buds. The vertical ends of the chest are also decorated with rosettes and end in legs of lion paws. What a beauty!

[Picture from Wikipedia]

The oak leaves of the crown catch the light of all the spots and make it the heaviest and most impressive crown ever found in Greek antiquity. For those interested in facts and figures: the crown counts 313 leaves and 68 acorns and weighs exactly 714 grams. With the larnax, this crown is the eye-catcher, and the visitor cannot miss it. But there is more like, for instance, Philip’s cuirass made of iron and inlaid with gold; his gold gorythos (bow and arrow case) depicting fights in full action reminding us of Scythian examples; his inlaid sword and his enormous shield (nearly one meter in diameter). He must have been a very strong man! Besides his personal armor, a significant number of utensils are on display, like bronze bowls, plates and vases, silver wine jugs and even strainers, bronze lamps, etc. Most of the objects honestly look as if they were made just yesterday.

Only a little remains of the wooden kline (banquet bench), except for the well-preserved glass, gold, and ivory decorations. Over the long side ran the story of a royal hunt in which Philip himself participated, but also his son Alexander and other Macedonian noblemen. As far as Alexander is concerned, this is the only picture we have for which we are sure he posed. An attempt is made to reconstruct this kline and to put the remaining pieces in their rightful place. Much patience must have been involved in this reconstruction! 

Thanks to a scale model, the construction and layout of the Tomb of King Philip II of Macedonia is further explained: a large double door gives access to a rectangular portal behind which the actual burial chamber is located. Still, it is not easy to picture how the interior would have looked like with the larnax resting inside a marble sarcophagus and the many burial gifts displayed around it. Taking a last walk around all these treasures, it is hard to realize that these artifacts are over 2,500 years old. What a privilege to see this with my own eyes!

Unfortunately, we don’t know much about Alexander’s role in his father’s funeral or how much time he spent constructing the present tomb and/or the vast covering tumulus. In-depth research made mainly by the leading archaeologist, Manolis Andronicos, indicates that at least some aspects have been rushed, such as the plastering of the inside walls of Philip’s tomb. We know that Alexander’s priority number one was to eliminate all claims to the Macedonian throne and to avenge the murder of his father. Yet, on top of that, he had to cope with the Greek revolt and face his northern neighbors being on the warpath again, which may have reduced the time he would otherwise have spent on proper funeral rites. For now, this question remains unanswered.

I include this Youtube view of the tumulus of Vergina as extra information. Inside there was enough room for more tombs: the Tomb of a young Macedonian prince (perhaps that of Alexander IV, the son of Alexander the Great and Roxane) and the so-called Tomb of Persephone that owes its name to the vivid frescoes on the inside walls. In fact, this last grave which is not exactly a big hit is of rare artistic quality: strong brush strokes, color combinations, and the depth of the image are absolutely sublime. You would expect it to be modern the way the scene is depicted with a few simple lines yet at the same time with firm and decisive movements.

Vergina, The Royal Tombs by Manolis Andronicos

Vergina, The Royal Tombs by Manolis Andronicos (ISBN 960-213-128-4) is the ultimate book about the excavations in and around Vergina and in particular for the tombs found in the Great Tumulus.

Manolis Andronicos largely dedicated his life to archaeology, and after much determination, he is the one who has discovered the undisturbed resting place of King Philip II of Macedonia under the Great Tumulus in Vergina. His love for his work and his analytical approach to his excavations shine through this marvelous book.

The many large pictures alone make it worth browsing through this book, but Andronicos’ careful explanations, experiences, and theories make it a fascinating read.

He starts with a short but clear description of the theater of Aegae, as Vergina was called in antiquity, followed by a detailed walk through the remains of the Palace of Aegae. We will remember that King Philip was murdered at this very theater in 336 BC and that this is the place where the reign of Alexander the Great commenced.

The major part of the book obviously concentrates on the excavations of the Great Tumulus from his first attempts to the discovery of the many grave stele, the Tomb of Persephone, “Philip’s Tomb,” and finally the so-called Prince’s Tomb. Photographs taken during the many years of hard and intensive work give an excellent view of the problems, hopes, diagnoses, and results of these diggings. Especially for “Philip’s Tomb,” he describes the structure and paintings of the tomb, itemizes and analyses all the grave goods from weapons to vessels, to finally the gold larnax and the royal gold diadem. Then, in turn, he focuses on the contents of the antechamber where a smaller larnax was located together with a magnificent gorytos, a set of greaves, a pectoral, and a charming myrtle wreath.

Finally, the ”Prince’s Tomb” is being examined, the outside and inside of the building, and the grave goods, among which is the marvelous silver urn that contained the bones of the dead, crowned with a gold wreath.

Andronicos ends this book with a special chapter holding his conclusions, where he explains how and why he made the statements he did. Instead of a dry archaeological report, this book is very pleasant to read or just to have at hand for relaxed browsing among these unique examples of Greek art at its best.

Alexander exhibition at the Louvre, Paris

« Au Royaume d’Alexandre le Grand. La Macédoine Antique. » Quite a mouthful for an exhibition, but definitely one that was worth seeing. Such a pity it ran for so short a period of time (from 13 October 2011 to 16 January 2012), and I wasn’t able to visit the Louvre till near the very end. Consequently, there was no point in sharing my impressions anytime soon.

I found the title of this exhibition rather confusing: was it about Alexander the Great, or was it about Macedonia? Well, in the end, it was about both, of course, but the accent was set around old Macedonia, and it was a well-deserved recommendation. Today, like in antiquity, it seems that Macedonia is some kind of stepchild, not entirely part of Greece or worthy to be part of it. The excavations of the past thirty years or so prove much to the contrary.

The very first excavations date back to 1861, when two French archaeologists (of course, we are referring to France and the French here!), Léon Heuzey and Henri Daumet made their first discoveries under the close watch of the Ottoman rulers. They uncovered the remains of the Royal Palace of Aegae, not knowing that this was Aegae, the old Macedonian capital, in what is called today Vergina. After that, we have to wait till after the First World War, when Konstantinos Rhomaios started new diggings in the area in 1920. He is the one who put Pella on the map, the second capital of Macedonia, about 25 kilometers further inland than expected because of the silting up of the Axios River. He also discovered several tombs in the Vergina area. By far the largest and most sensational discovery happened in 1977 when Manolis Andronicos localized the unspoiled Tomb of King Philip II, Alexander’s father. Huge quantities of precious gifts were found in his burial chamber as well as in the nearby tombs underneath this same tumulus. In the wake of this discovery, other promising diggings were generally started elsewhere.

Strangely enough, new finds show that the art in archaic Macedonia was closely akin to what we have seen in Mycenae, here only one hundred years later. Clear traces of this influence can be found mainly in the area of Pieria, in the westerly region. But meanwhile, it is obvious that the so-called Hellenistic art first and foremost originated here in Aegae and in Pella at the court of the Kings and in the houses of the Macedonian elite. As early as the 5th century, the Macedonian Kings attracted notable artists like Zeuxis of Heraclea, who decorated the Palace of King Archelaus, or Euripides, who wrote his Iphigenia in Aulis, Archelaus, and The Bacchantes here. Later on, we find more famous artists at the Court of Pella, like Lysippos, the official sculptor of Alexander, and Apelles, his official court painter; but also top painters like Aristides of Thebe or Philoxenus of Eretria. Even if the names had come to us, we still had no idea about the quality of their work till the now famous frescos in the Tomb of Persephone were discovered in Vergina; they give a totally unexpected image of their craft, in this case, the skills of Nicomachus of Thebe – a most lively and unique testimony. Wall paintings from the houses in Pella, on the other hand, turn out to be of such high quality and colour that they are considered as the precursors of the Pompeian style, which we meet in Pompeii – yet five centuries later!

The Louvre has done a thorough job with this exhibition, and they have not limited themselves to collecting a random number of objects from the Greek Museums. It all starts right at the entrance with a splendid copy of the pebble mosaic showing a lion hunt with Alexander on the left and Craterus to the right. A great welcome from the homeland, Macedonia!

I recently traveled through Macedonia myself, visiting many of the museums, and seeing all these objects over here was like meeting old friends again. Purely from memory, the following is what I remember having seen again in Paris (the Louvre didn’t allow any pictures!)

• From the Museum in Aiani (Pieria), clay figures and vases;
• From Vergina, silver jars, a bronze lamp, gold crowns with delicate leaves and flowers, or tied with Heracles’ knot;
• From Amphipolis, a multicolored vase, a dashing terracotta dancer, and a true-to-life painted head of a terracotta woman;
• From Polygoros, one of the arrows engraved with “Philippou”, i.e., with the compliments of Philip (used during the siege of Olynthus);
• From Veroia, the intriguing bust of Olganos of Kopanos, which reminded me of Alexander;
• From Pella, molds for terracotta statues and finished clay statuettes, pots, jars found around the Agora, earthenware roof decorations, and pieces of burial furniture in wood, bone, and ivory;
• From Dion, a striking relief of Demeter;
• From Thessaloniki where evidently most of the objects came from, with gold masks in the style of Agamemnon; bronze helmets with or without a gold trimming; an earthenware pyxis painted with a garland of flowers on a black background; gold jewelry like bracelets, necklaces, earrings, fibulae, etc; gold, silver and bronze coins; a lovely bronze medallion of Athena in high relief; the painted inside walls of a tomb; etc.
• From the Louvre, a small bronze Alexander with a spear (not very resembling); a drum and capitals of columns from Aegae (brought back by Heuzey and Daumet but apparently never exhibited), which are now placed in the frame of a life-size drawing of the colonnades surrounding the central square of the Palace of Aegae. It’s as if you are truly walking inside. In the very center, I find the head of Young Alexander from the Museum of Pella.

Also, a showcase filled with Greek vases, bowls, drinking vessels, pots, and jars, all beautifully decorated, of course. And all around this on the walls, I recognize pictures of the frescos from different tombs in and around Vergina, Pella, and Lefkadia.

The Louvre has unveiled more hidden treasures from its catacombs, i.e., remains from the Palace of the Roman Emperor Galerius (305-311 AD), who promoted Thessaloniki to the capital of his tetrarchy. These are tall square marble pillars, approximately two meters high, with on the front and back a relief of a recognizable figure, like a Menead, Victory, Dionysos, Aura, Ariane, one of the Dioscuri, Leda with the Swan, and Ganymedes. The building to which the pillars belonged is called “Incantada” and once stood at the northern entrance to the Agora of Thessaloniki. This is all new to me and very revealing.

At this stage, I wonder why Alexander the Great is supposed to be the central personage of this exhibition, since, besides the head from Pella and the scanty bronze statue with the lost lance, I haven’t seen him. He turns out to be the surprise, probably meant to be the very climax … not very successful, if you ask me! When I’m about ready to leave, I discover a rather narrow window in a black box where Alexander is waiting for me. Gee, why cramp him behind this one window? They could have put him in a full-size showcase entirely made of glass, no? Anyway, this is where I find the true treasures of the entire exhibition (in my eyes, that is, of course), Alexander in person! For a start, there is the most striking Azara Hermes from the Louvre – after all, this is a copy of an original made by nobody less than Lysippos! Also, Alexander as Pan from the Museum in Pella, the Guimet Alexander from the Louvre, a torso that is being attributed to him, and an inscription from Thessaloniki, of which I remember nothing. And finally, at the very corner of this same dark showcase, a long, narrow glass étagère with the gold medallions of his Royal parents, King Philip II of Macedonia and Queen Olympias – precious pieces pushed aside in an almost forgotten corner. True sacrilege, I would say!