The importance of Perinthus

In antiquity, Perinthus was of strategic importance as it controlled Athens’ grain route from the Black Sea through the Bosporus. Each spring Athenian ships loaded with wheat from the Danube and Maritza basins sailed down via Byzantium, the Hellespont, and further across the Aegean to Athens. 

Perinthus, near the modern city of Tekirdağ, had two harbors in the East and the West side of the peninsula both used for commercial and military purposes. So far, the remains of a shipwreck have been located at a depth of 60 meters, and the finding is under investigation. More of the city’s buildings are being exposed, including an Acropolis with large temples and a theater. Besides the many small artifacts such as bits of jewelry and statuettes, there also is a necropolis.

[Picture from Sozcu.com.tr]

In late 352 BC, King Philip of Macedonia was asked to assist a coalition of Central Thracia, consisting of Byzantium, and Perinthus in besieging the nearby fortress town of Heraion Teichos that threatened Perinthus (see: Philip is bouncing back). He marched his army east, took the town, and returned it to Perinthus, presumably its original owner. 

Philip’s presence in the area was a threat to the Athenians but also to the Persians aiming to control Perinthus. In 340 BC, the Persians ordered Pixodarus of Caria, their ally in Halicarnassus, to help Perinthus revolt against Philip. The operation was not successful. 

Pixodarus then changed his mind as Persia was in turmoil after the murder of King Artaxerxes III. He thought it wise to seek Philip’s support instead. He offered his daughter, Ada, in marriage to Philip’s retarded son Arrhidaeus. The pact was accepted. 

However, Alexander felt left out and decided to act on his own, offering himself as a marital candidate. When Philip got vent of this maneuver behind his back, the agreement with Pixodarus was called off. Philip seriously reprimanded his son by exiling several of his closest friends from Pella (see: Pella, the birthplace of Alexander). 

By 188 BC, Perinthus fell under the rule of Pergamon until the Romans took over in 129 BC. By the end of the 2^nd century AD, they used the port as a main hub to ship their troops between the Euphrates and the Danube fronts. On the other hand, Perinthus had an important connection with the Via Militaris that ran west to Philippopolis, Serdica, and Viminacium. From here, the Via Egnatia led to Thessaloniki, Dyrrhachion, and Brundisium. 

Based on inscriptions from the late 2^nd century AD, it has been established that the provincial governors of Thracia had a residence in Perinthus. 

[Map from Stilus.nl]

In 286 AD, Emperor Diocletian renamed the city Heracleia to become a state capital. He may well have built a palace here as the outline of the ruins indicates a similarity with his palace in Nicomedia.

Under Constantine in 330 AD, Heracleia was supplanted by Byzantium which was renamed Constantinople. 

In the end, Perinthus lived a long and prosperous history thanks to its strategic location with ideal access to the Black Sea, the Aegean, and the Mediterranean, as well as inland Anatolia, and Egypt. Inevitably, it became a multicultural center populated by different peoples all speaking their own language. That sounds very close to today’s praise of Istanbul joining Europe and Asia. 

The roaring times of the Antigonid dynasty

The Wars of the Diadochi broke out after Alexander’s death in 323 BC and his huge Empire went to “the strongest” as he may have intended to say on his deathbed in Babylon. However, it did not go to one single ruler as none of his generals had his vision or charisma. 

After endless battles, intermarriages, and lots of intrigues, Alexander’s generals eliminated each other and, in the end, started four distinct dynasties. Ptolemy initiated the Ptolemaic dynasty in Egypt, and Seleucos the Seleucid dynasty in Asia. Cassander, the son of Antipater, founded the Antipatrid dynasty (the ancient Kingdom of Macedonia). In 306 BC, Antigonus Monophthalmus (the One-Eyed) declared himself and his son Demetrios kings. By doing so, the Antigonid dynasty replaced the Antipatrid dynasty. 

Antigonus may well have served under Philip II and lost an eye during the Siege of Perinthus in 340 BC. He later joined Alexander on his Persian campaign and was promoted to satrap of Phrygia in 334 BC. His main duty was to maintain Alexander’s line of communication and supply. As a result of the Partition of Babylon following Alexander’s death, he also received Pamphylia and Lycia. 

During the Wars of the Diadochi, Antigonus picked up momentum and managed to rule over all of Asia Minor, Greece, Syria, Phoenicia, and northern Mesopotamia. Fearing his increasing power, Seleucos, Ptolemy, Lysimachos, and Cassander joined forces against him. Antigonus was defeated and killed at the Battle of Ipsus in 301 BC after which his realm was split between Lysimachos and Seleucos. 

However, Antigonus’ son Demetrios Poliorcetes, by now having earned his stripes as Besieger survived said battle and took control of Macedonia in 294 BC. Cassander died in 297 BC without a successor as his sons had eliminated each other, paving the way for Demetrios to become King of Macedonia. Not for long because in 288 BC he was driven out by Pyrrhus and Lysimachos, and died as a prisoner of Seleucos. 

It was not until 277 BC that Demetrios’ son, Antigonus II Gonatas, regained the title of King of Macedonia. He ruled till about 239 BC, to be succeeded by Demetrios II Aetolicus, followed by Antigonus III Doson ten years later. 

Meanwhile, Rome became the rising power in the eastern Mediterranean, and soon the first conflicts with Antigonid Macedonia led by King Philip V (221-179 BC) erupted. His successor, Perseus, put up a fierce resistance against the expanding Roman Empire that coveted Macedonia’s wealth. The Romans conquered Antigonid Macedonia in 168 BC at the Battle of Pydna, turning Alexander’s homeland into a mere Roman Province. 

Although very eventful, the Antigonid dynasty was short-lived and lasted less than 150 years. 

Macedonia’s grand palaces of Aegae, Pella, Bylazora, and Dimitrias were thoroughly looted, and the houses of the wealthy Macedonians were plundered. Statues, paintings, jewelry, and other wonderful, precious artifacts from Greece and Asia were up for grabs. Roman generals and common soldiers alike took as much as they could carry. Only the gods know what happened to the collection of Macedonia’s precious libraries.

How the Greeks were perceived in Asia

We are so used to looking through the eyes of the West that only a few of us are aware that among the Persians and Indians, the Greeks go under different names. 

Ever since the reign of Darius I, the Greeks were called Yauna or Yona, as documented in the inscription of Bisutun from c.520 BC. In the 5th century BC, Herodotus mentions the Yaunas in his Histories, linking them mainly to the Ionians, who lived along the coastline of Asia Minor. The historian also specifies that under Persian rule, the Ionian Greeks constituted one tax district that included the Pamphylians, Lycians, Magnesians, Aeolians, and Carians. 

Yauna may simply be a transliteration of the Greek for ‘Ionians,’ and the name surprisingly appears in Sanskrit literature and Sri Lanka’s Mahavamsa (historical chronicle) – a very long way from home! 

The name also has a corrupted form with the Assyrians, who called the Greeks Iawanu, and the Babylonians used Yaman or Yamanaya. Nowadays, Turkish, Persian, and Arabic languages use Yunan, which clearly derives from the ancient Persian Yauna. 

The Persians, as we know, did not stop their conquest of Greece at the coast of modern Turkey. They soon mounted an expedition to conquer Macedonia with its rich gold and silver mines. 

An inscription to that effect can be seen on Darius’ tomb at Naqsh-e Rustam, where the Macedonians are called the “Greeks with sun hats” based on their typical headwear. 

The same Macedonians threatened Persia in 340 BC when Philip II besieged Perinthus, a vital point on the Hellespont. In the end, Alexander the Great crossed into Asia and conquered Persia. How much of this campaign has been recorded in their literature remains vague. It is impossible that a well-organized civilization like Persia’s has not kept written records. Could we assume they are either still hidden or have not yet been deciphered? 

Alexander and his Macedonians marched on to Central Asia and even India. Ancient sources use the word Yonaka when referring to the later Graeco-Bactrians and Indo-Greeks, who became kingdoms in their own right. They were the result of those veterans left in the regions by Alexander, who built a civilization based on Greek principles. They rose to power in the late 4th century BC and ruled until the first decade of the 1st century AD. 

Yavana is the word that lived on in the medieval literature of India. It was generally used to define foreigners, but until approximately 1000 AD, they meant the Greeks. 

As always, there is so much more in a word than we assume at first sight. In this case, it ends up being a story on its own.

Macedonia, Philip’s life-work - Alexander’s heritage.

When we read about Alexander the Great, we easily get the impression that he is the genius who decided to cross the Hellespont to conquer the rest of the world, winning every single battle and playing the politically correct move each time he encountered a new city on his path.

He had to settle a few matters "back home" first, but they seemed futile compared to what was achieved later in Asia. Such a statement is only partially true since we have little or no background information on the status of and in Macedonia when Alexander became King in 336 BC. Ancient writers have not been very helpful in that field as they generally start Alexander's history when he sets out to Asia. Plutarch is the only one to relate some details about his youth. So, it is unsurprising that our overall picture of Alexander needs to be revised.

  

Pushing aside the heroics for the moment, we know that Alexander, at 16, was made Regent of Macedonia by his father, King Philip II, who was leading a dangerous campaign around Perinthus. The King's calculated assignment to appoint his son to such a responsible position cannot be underestimated! When Alexander was 18 years old, Philip felt confident enough to place him opposite the Theban Band at the Battle of Chaironeia, where the young prince and his cavalry killed the unbeatable Theban Band to the last man, eliminating a centuries-long entity for good. King Philip must have been very clever and realistic in judging his son's capabilities. Not many fathers would do that, and, as it turned out after the King's assassination, no friend or foe either. None of them believed Alexander would so handily continue in his father's footsteps. He led an attack at lightning speed against the northern tribes all the way to the Danube and south against Thebes, who secretly hoped to stand a good chance against the young King. These fights went down in our history books with only a few lines as Alexander's incredible tactical maneuvers are overshadowed by his later conquests in the East.

  

Yet we forget that up to this point, we owe most of Alexander's successes to his father, for Alexander's genius was not born overnight. Although we know that Philip led many a fight against his Macedonian neighbors, we generally ignore that this was a never-ending struggle. The stubbornness of the Balkan people certainly was no less than that of the Bactrians Alexander had to face in Central Asia years later. On top of that, Athens with Demosthenes in the front rows was always cross. As soon as Philip dared to sneeze, so to speak, Demosthenes had his critics ready, and Athens listened.

       

It generally is beyond our awareness that Philip was the one who restructured and united Macedonia – a far from easy task (the present political situation in Greece is nothing new). Philip cemented the loose city-states into one country, Greece, and with the League of Corinth, he ensured they would no longer fight each other. What an accomplishment! Philip understood like no other the art of diplomacy, besides being an excellent tactician and general. He knew how to eliminate each enemy at the right time and manipulate his opponents, pending the ideal moment to act.

When Philip II of Macedonia was assassinated in 336 BC, he was at the top of his power, ruling over an enlarged Macedonia and a unified Greece (all the Greek city-states except Sparta). Alexander could almost immediately leave for Asia, were it not that, because of his youth, he first had to prove himself a worthy successor to his father, on the one hand towards the neighboring tribes and on the other hand towards Greece as heir to his father's title of hegemon of the League of Corinth.

It is clear that the kingdom of Macedonia, as inherited by Alexander, had been conquered with bits and pieces by his father over a good twenty years. When Philip was elected King (he was only meant to be regent for the infant Amyntas, his brother's son), the country was on its knees, and only a miracle could save it. Well, Philip was that miracle, and he made it work. He spent little time at his palaces of Pella or Aegae and often had to fight simultaneously on different fronts, from Thessaly and Thebes to the Black Sea. He went through immense efforts to make peace with everybody, and in between all the bickering and the revolts, he managed to rule the country, lead the economy to heights unheard of, and negotiate with every single ambassador in an appropriate style! Not an ideal setting to pamper Alexander in a carefree youth. It is evident to see where this young King got his determination from! Yes, like father, like son! What an example he was for Alexander!

Alexander vs. Parmenion

A good subject for debate, which I’m afraid cannot be settled to everyone’s satisfaction. Too many opinions from too many authors, too many interpretations by the old historians, and too many options to choose from. That is basically my conclusion. That is if you can call that a conclusion.

[picture from the movie by Oliver Stone]

Parmenion was a Paeonian chieftain who, during one of the campaigns led by King Philip II of Macedon, decided to rally to Macedonia's side. A clever choice from his side, no doubt, and the result was even better as he turned out to be a faithful brother-in-arms to Philip. On many occasions, he acted in Philip’s name, like when he went to Athens with Antipater and Eurylochus to repeat his king’s terms for the Common Peace in 346 BC. Six years later, when Alexander was elected Regent while Philip besieged Perinthus, Parmenion and Antipater remained in Pella to keep an eye on things. He was the one who ended the Fourth Sacred War, taking Amphissa within three hours. During the Battle of Chaeronea, the same veteran general was probably assisting Alexander’s cavalry upon Philip’s instructions.

All along his many fights, sieges, and diplomatic meetings, Philip essentially moved with Parmenion at his side. Yet at the same time, Philip formed a clique with his senior generals, Parmenion, Antipater, and Attalus, from which Alexander was excluded as they were bound together by several intermarriages (much to Alexander’s dismay, as one may imagine, and maybe a reason why he held on to his own group of Companions created during the days at Mieza).

Soon after Philip’s death, Attalus is executed to silence a possible claim to the Macedonian throne (his adopted niece had recently married Philip). When Alexander starts his march to Asia, he leaves Antipater behind as Regent while Parmenion joins his forces.

At this point, it is worth considering the extent of Parmenion’s power and influence over the army – a largely neglected viewpoint.

Parmenion was a man from the “old” stock, Philip’s foremost general and, let’s not forget, the one who played a highly pivotal role as commander of Alexander’s left wing in his battles at the Granicus, Issus, and Gaugamela. What has transpired from ancient authors is that Parmenion disagrees with Alexander’s decisions or plans on several occasions (there may have been more). No other veteran general has been recorded saying that much. We all will remember Alexander’s words: … yes, I would, if I were Parmenion... The fact that Alexander acted upon his own initiative, brushing Parmenion’s advice aside and coming out victorious from the many confrontations, cannot have gone down smoothly.

Steven English, in his “The Sieges of Alexander the Great,”  draws the picture of an all-powerful Parmenion, a seasoned fighter with thorough experience. Besides that, the key positions in the army were occupied by his relatives: sons, allies, kindred, friends, etc. It is entirely possible that he saw himself as the successor of Philip. In his eyes, the young and inexperienced Alexander was not a true competitor. Big mistake, of course. He probably didn’t expect Alexander to win all his battles as he did, and maybe he even hoped that the young king would soon be killed – in which case, he was well prepared with his own trusted network of men.

Jona Lendering (see Livius site) is even blunter as he declares that Philotas (Parmenion’s son, accused of conspiracy) confessed under the force of torture that he and his father had wanted to kill Alexander to rule themselves. I don’t know where he found that statement, but it is a plausible assumption.

Robin Lane Fox (“Alexander the Great”), in turn, paints a picture where Parmenion constitutes a severe threat to Alexander. The worrying situation occurred in 330 BC at Ecbatana, where the general controls his king’s supply line with Macedonia while Alexander is fighting in Bactria. Parmenion, already in his seventies, keeps ignoring Alexander’s orders for three months to come to Gurgan. The fact by itself is strange enough, but just consider that on the one hand, Parmenion is sitting on the enormous Persian treasury collected in Susa and Persepolis, which Alexander centralized at Ecbatana, and on the other hand, he has an army of 25,000 men strong at his disposal: Thracians, veteran-mercenaries, Thessalian and Paeonian cavalry, plus another 6,000 men Foot Companions who protected the very money transport. Alexander, at that time, had “only” 30,000 soldiers with him, i.e., approximately the same amount of manpower. In any case, these figures alone are enough to give the King severe headaches and many a sleepless night, no doubt.

Pierre Briant, in his book “Alexander the Great and his Empire,” has a totally different view, stating that Alexander committed a brutal act when he sent a commando to explicitly murder Parmenion in Ecbatana. He doubts that Philotas is guilty of conspiracy, so it is evident that he disagrees with Parmenion’s execution. Briant feels that from 330 BC, Alexander no longer wanted to tolerate Parmenion’s meddling as his vision of his new world had changed (becoming more Persian).

In any case, the accusations and the trial of Philotas were handled the Macedonian way, where every man had his say. Philotas was eventually condemned to death. Under Macedonian law, relatives were equally responsible for the crimes committed by any family member. This implied his father, Parmenion, who occupied a crucial position in Ecbatana and was empowered by the Persian treasury, with a large army force. Alexander applied the Macedonian law, which his generals and soldiers could understand. Still, he may have seized this convenient opportunity to eliminate a possible threat to his person and his crown.

Personally, I am convinced that, in 330 BC, Alexander had become a different person from the young king who came to power at age twenty. The years of heavy fighting and sieges, long marches through hostile lands and deserts, river crossings, logistical problems, rivalry, and jealousy among his officers, and conspiracies, while he was constantly alert about the moves of his Persian opponent (only in 330 BC King Darius III was captured more dead than alive), etc. were enough elements to change any man. In the process, he became the Great King of a vast empire that had functioned for eons according to its own rules and principles. Aware of these differences and oppositions, we owe it to Alexander’s genius that he makes considerable efforts to comply with the customs of both East and West.

All along the historical accounts, we read how the soldiers from the old Macedonian guard still live by the rules of their homeland. These are men who fought with King Philip (and Parmenion) and who became great at his side, men worthy of the great battlefields like those of Chaeronea and Gaugamela. We like to see an army that carries Alexander on its hands. They do, yet only to a certain degree, i.e., as long as their king follows the known old, proven Macedonian traditions. But once in Bactria and Sogdiana, everything changes. There are no great battles to be fought, only heavy skirmishes, surprise attacks, and guerrilla wars. The men grow tired – no wonder. Inevitably, conflicts arise. His soldiers, even his generals, can’t understand how the newly conquered enemy suddenly has to be accepted as friendly mates filling the ranks of their dead comrades. Yet it is clear that Alexander needed to replace those thousands of men left behind on the battlefields, in the newly founded towns, in the strongholds and forts along the way, in the heat of the deserts, or in the waters of the many rivers, the wounded men, the invalids, the veterans. The logistics of Alexander’s campaign in Asia are simply beyond anyone’s comprehension, even today – so how much could be asked from the simple Macedonian soldier?

Some authors like to throw in the ideal image of Alexander, aiming at melting east and west together to create an impossible dream world. I believe there were limits, even to his ambition. I’m sure Alexander found the world much bigger and far more different than he could ever have imagined. He was very well aware that life in Asia evolved according to rules and values away from those he grew up with. Yet he was a visionary, and his visions ran far ahead of his time. Nobody could understand the complex amplitude of his world, I think, nobody except maybe Hephaistion.

Even today, we still struggle to understand …

Philip’s campaigns east and the Fourth Sacred War - Macedonia forged by Philip II - 11

Philip’s campaigns east (342 BC) and the Fourth Sacred War (339 BC)

In spite of his manipulations and conniving, one can only admire Philip’s achievements as King of Macedonia. It certainly was no small affair to keep control over all these full-blooded and hot-tempered men while managing to structure his empire, boost the economy, and stay alert to all happening in Greece and across his borders. This was also when he decided that his son Alexander, now aged fourteen, needed a proper tutor. He had kept in close contact with Aristotle, whose father had been a physician at the Macedonian court, and he invited him for the job. Aristotle accepted, and Alexander and a group of select friends moved to Mieza on the slopes of Mount Vermion, some 30 miles away from Pella. For the next three years, I’m sure Alexander learned all he could about geography, zoology, medicine, geometry, philosophy, and rhetoric. Philip must have been quite a visionary to do this.

By now, the king of Thracia once again stirred up the dust by subduing the Thracian cities along the Hellespont, a sensitive area demanding Philip’s total commitment. So he did. That summer, he marched his army eastwards to settle this matter, leaving Antipater as his deputy in Pella since this was not a small campaign as it covered today’s European Turkey, the Hebrus valley (today’s Maritza valley in Bulgaria), and the northern Balkan Range. Diodorus is the only historian to report this expedition and spends no more than one paragraph on the subject. But in the end, the campaign paid off, and Philip gained control of the inland route from Bisanthe (today’s Tekirdag in European Turkey) to Macedonia. Later that year, he turned northwards against the people living between Thracia and the Danube Valley. Their king was quick to surrender and even gave his daughter, Meda, in marriage to Philip (his sixth wife). This is the time when he founded the town of Philippopolis, today’s Plovdiv, in Bulgaria. He then returned to Pella, having secured his northern borders, much to Athens’ unhappiness as they saw their corn route threatened again.
 

A year later, Philip was called to intervene in the Chersonese’s conflict with neighboring Cardia, one of his allies. He sent only a reduced force to their assistance. Still, he wrote many letters of complaint to Athens since that city-state had violated their mutual peace treaty by attacking Philip’s allies and pirating the Macedonian merchant ships. As expected, Demosthenes took it personally, and his speeches On the Chersonese and his next set of Philippics were wildly applauded and very successful in Athens. They even went so far as to request support from the Persian King, who gave the ambassadors large sums of money, some of which eventually found its way to Demosthenes. We can imagine how relieved Philip must have been that Artaxerxes did not join Athens in an open alliance, for how could he have faced such manpower with his limited army? Ultimately, Philip could only march personally back to Cardia, which equaled an open declaration of war against Athens. Thanks to Demosthenes, they probably didn’t realize it until Philip seized their corn fleet. Despite this, Demosthenes was crowned for his services at the Theatre of Dionysos during the festival of 340 BC.

At about this time, Philip ordered his 16-year-old son Alexander, who was still studying with Aristotle in Mieza, to head back to Pella to take over the regency of Macedonia while he set off to Perinthus. That tells a great deal about how serious the situation was. Philip’s two devoted generals, Antipater and Parmenion, also stayed in Pella, and not without reason, for soon, a revolt on the upper Strymon River broke out, and Alexander crushed the enemy, founding his first city. Three other Thracian revolts were met by Antipater and Parmenion, although one may question how much say Philip had in these maneuvers. The Macedonians now held the territory from the Upper Strymon and Hebrus rivers all the way to the Black Sea, further isolating the still independent cities of Perinthus, Selymbria, and Byzantium – probably one of Philip’s clever outmaneuverings.
 

Since the King was now openly at war with Athens, he seized the moment to lay siege to Perinthus. But this city was challenging to take, for it was built on many uphill terraces, meaning that each time Philip breached a wall, the inhabitants moved up one step higher. Even with his new torsion catapults (which he used here for the first time), the city walls were soon out of reach. One may wonder why Philip, as brilliant a general as we have ever seen, kept such a long siege going for Perinthus, which was supplied by sea from Athens, as was neighboring Byzantium, which Philip attacked as well. He probably only wanted to coax Athens to further action, and pouring more oil on the fire, he seized their corn fleet as a “prize of war.”  The fleet probably counted 230 vessels, 180 of which were Athenian ships he kept for himself, sending the remaining ships to their homeland. He sold the corn for the high sum of 700 talents, i.e., about the year’s income for the Athenians. That must have hurt them in their bones! In the end, peace was made with Byzantium, Perinthus, and their allies in 329 BC, and Philip left the area with his head high, stronger than ever before. His influence now reached all the way to the Hellespont, meaning it also included the Black Sea.

Yet there was still the area ruled by the Scythians, stretching from south of the Danube to the Sea of Azov. To secure his eastern front, Philip thought teaching these fierce riders and fighters a good lesson would be a good idea. One battle apparently was enough, and Philip came home with not only a booty of some twenty thousand thoroughbred horses but also many women and children to be used as slaves. But en route, he was attacked by the Triballi, an independent Thracian tribe, who eyed this booty. Surprisingly enough, Philip turned out to be the loser in this conflict, maybe solely because he was severely hurt by a sarissa that went through his upper leg. Abandoning their rich booty, his men had to carry him to safety, and he arrived in Pella in the late summer of 339 BC.

Now I better understand why it was crucial for Alexander to conquer those tribes between Macedonia and the Danube early in his kingship.

[photo by the gracious courtesy of Jim]

While Philip was campaigning against the Scythians, The Amphictyonic Council at Delphi declared the Fourth Sacred War, this time against Amphissa, which had illegally occupied holy lands. As hegemon, it was up to Philip to settle this war, which worried the Athenians greatly. But before he could intervene, Thebes seized Nicaea at the entrance of the Pass of Thermopylae, a city that Philip had given to Thessaly. It expelled the Macedonian garrison he had left behind. This meant that he now had to face Thebes besides Athens and Amphissa. Once again, Philip tried diplomacy and sent two Thessalian tetrarchs to persuade the Thebans to continue their alliance with him (meaning: not with Athens). At about the same time, Athens faced a similar situation while Philip was only a two-day march away, which meant a severe threat. Still, if Philip managed to win the Thebans over to his side, Athens’ situation would be far worse. Here, Demosthenes was clever enough to put his differences with Thebes aside and convince the Athenians to join him in an alliance against Philip. It was one of his greatest diplomatic triumphs, although it came at a high cost, for there were several demands that Thebes required in exchange.

The other Greek city-states now had to choose which side they would rally to, but none was keen to do so. Philip called to arms to support the Amphictyonic Council against Amphissa, meaning, in fact, against Athens and Thebes, without success. Although he was the hegemon of this Council, it did not mean that the members would follow him in battle. In the spring of 338 BC, he decided to act, and to attain his purpose, he used one of his tricks, i.e., a letter his opponents would intercept, leading them to relax their guard on his march to Amphissa. It worked out as he planned, and one dark night Parmenion blasted through the pass and took Amphissa within three hours. Thus ended the Fourth Sacred War. Officially, Philip had acted according to the Amphictyonic Council against Amphissa, but the truth was that his presence in Amphissa gave him a serious foothold in central Greece.

Click here to read the full story about Philip II from the beginning.

Philip is bouncing back - Macedonia forged by Philip II - 6

Philip is bouncing back (352 BC)

Philip was not going to sit idle on his hands, of course. He had learned his lesson (one that even Alexander was aware of as we witness later on in history) and his first step was to restore the troops’ morale and their confidence in him as a king. He had to keep his army busy and victorious. Keeping Macedonia’s borders safe was not enough, he needed to expand in Greece or even in Asia.

With his head high, Philip marched his newly inspired army into Thessaly in 352 BC and ordered his men to wear crowns of laurel as they went into battle – a highly symbolic sign to show that he was fighting for a religious cause, on behalf of Apollo “as though the god were going before” (see: Justin, Diodorus) and not merely for revenge or on behalf of his Thessalian allies. In a well-orchestrated attack of cavalry and infantry together with the Thessalians, Philip soon annihilated the Phocians on what is called the Crocus Field. As the story goes, a large number of them simply fled out of guilt when they saw the crowned Macedonians attacking on behalf of their god. Over 6,000 Phocians and mercenaries were killed in battle; 3,000 were captured and drowned to punish them for the sacrilege of seizing Delphi. No mercy, that is clear. This battle restored Philip’s leadership and the confidence of his army, which he never lost again.

Philip immediately saw his opportunity to secure Macedonia’s southern border by stabilizing the situation in Thessaly. An agreement was signed at Pherae, consolidated by his marriage with a local woman named Nicesipolis (she died 20 days after giving birth to their daughter Thessalonica, meaning ‘Thessalian Victory’). It hereby became clear that whoever defected from the Thessalian League of City-states also defected from Philip. His position was so strong now that he was elected archon (leader) for life, a highly exceptional nomination as he was not a Thessalian. The Third Sacred War was at a stalemate.

I am really amazed to see how often the Macedonian army is marching up and down northern Greece, crossing it time and again from east to west or vice versa.

By now, the Athenians had regained their influence over the Chersonese, and eastern Thracia, fickle as ever, had abandoned Philip once again. On top of that Olynthus had sued for peace with Athens. High time for Philip to reassert his presence and chance worked in his favor. In late 352 BC, he was asked to assist a coalition of Central Thracia, Byzantium, and Perinthus (two cities inside the territory of eastern Thracia) in besieging the fortress town of Heraion Teichos, close to Perinthus. He marched his army east, took the town, and returned it to Perinthus, presumably its original owner. This may sound like a trivial intervention but it meant another blow for the Athenians who jealously wanted to keep the corn route from the Black Sea in their hands. We should not forget that each spring Athenian ships loaded with wheat from the Danube and Maritza basins, sailed down via Byzantium, the Hellespont, and further across the Aegean to Athens. On this route, they badly needed safe havens for their precious cargo and now Philip was threatening their supply line.

Philip now turned to Olynthus where it did not come to open war, a stern warning seemed to have done the trick - for now at least. After a short intervention in Epirus where Philip extended his power by taking his nephew Alexander, i.e., Olympias’ younger brother, with him to court at Pella, he turned his full attention again to the peninsula of Chalcidice. The Olynthians still made trouble in spite of their treaty of 357 BC and Philip’s earlier warning.

Click here to read the full story about Philip II from the beginning