A Graeco-Roman Temple in Armenia

Finding a good-looking Graeco-Roman temple in Armenia is quite a surprise for it is the only remaining such building in that country.

[Picture by Vahag851]

The Temple of Garni dates probably from 77 AD and based on the Greek inscription that has been recovered, it was supposedly built by King Tiridates I of Armenia. Originally, it was dedicated to the sun god Mihr (from the Zoroastrian mythology and related to Mithra) and in the early days of Christianity in the fourth century, it became the summer residence of Khosrovidukht, the sister of Tiridates III – not bad!

Unfortunately, the construction collapsed in 1679 when the region was hit by a severe earthquake and it was only about one hundred years ago that the ruins were discovered. Between 1969 and 1975, the remains were sorted out and put back together to become the tourist attraction we see today.

The Temple of Garni was mentioned by Tacitus as belonging to a fortress overlooking the valley of the Azat River. The location was strategically very important as it was part of the defence of the Ararat Plain. Beside the temple, there are remains of a Roman bath including a mosaic floor with Greek inscription and a royal summer palace.

As to the Greek inscription belonging to the temple, scholars do not agree on the exact translation as the text has been damaged (for details, see Wikipedia).

There is, however, an other theory stating that this was not a temple but a mausoleum built around 175 AD. This idea is based on similar Graeco-Roman constructions in Asia Minor like the Nereid Monument in Xanthos and the Mausoleum of Halicarnassus; and also the fact that it is surrounded by several tombs from that same period. When Armenia converted to Christianity, pagan temples were systematically destroyed and it would be odd to find this Temple of Garni as the sole survivor. As a grave, the construction was more plausible to have survived.

Whatever the theory or the origins of this Temple of Garni, it is a very pleasant sanctuary to look at and still makes you wonder about the Hellenistic influence in that part of the world.

Alexander the Great by Robin Lane Fox

For several years, I used Robin Lane Fox’s Alexander the Great (ISBN 0-141-02076-8) as a reference book but it is not until now that I really read it cover to cover. It turned out to be a most captivating experience.

Before writing down my own impressions on this book, I looked at previous comments made by other purchasers on Amazon and I am truly appalled to see it qualified as “very badly written” and “hard to understand”. This is not a novel and cannot be compared to Manfredi’s tales. On the contrary, this is a serious work in which Robin Lane Fox put his entire heart and soul, together with his thorough knowledge of one of the most enigmatic persons who ever lived.

The book is not a quick history of Alexander’s life and conquests but an in-depth study of his actions set against the background of the world he lived in and to which he had to adapt time and again as he met other civilizations and foreign tribes during his march east.

While the author follows Alexander’s steps, he often stops to analyze the whole context and to place the story against the background which the king encountered. It is so easy to judge Alexander based on our own experiences but to judge him in the frame of so many new elements and circumstances is a totally different matter.

For instance, Robin Lane Fox takes the time to explain the Macedonian military machine and armory as put into place by Philip, Alexander’s father. He does the same for Persia where he highlights the court system and the complexity of its government – most of it not unknown to Alexander but an aspect that is more often than not skipped in our western literature. He explains Persian customs and court protocol, including the meaning of being the “King of kings”. He also reminds us of the fact that Alexander had no maps and no more directions to guide him than what Herodotus had written in his Histories (something like the maps of the stars used by the first astronauts flying to the moon in the 1960s).

Although some parts of Alexander’s march east are passed by quickly, the author certainly takes the time to discuss the main events. There is, for instance, Siwah, where he not only describes the voyage and Alexander’s reception by the priests but also the significance of the god Amon and the idea behind the title “son of Amon”. Lane Fox also analyses the battles of Issus and Gaugamela including Alexander’s preparations but also looks at the tactics from Darius’ point of view. The Philotas’ Affair implicating his father, Parmenion, as well as the conspiracy of the Pages and the murder of Cleitus are discussed extensively and weighed up against the circumstances and the irrefutable evidence with which Alexander was confronted. Other battles and sieges, especially the attack of the Aornos Rock, the decisive Battle on the Hydaspes and the Mallian fight in which Alexander is deadly wounded are clearly explained with all pros and cons. And let us not forget the mutiny of Alexander’s Macedonians at the Hyphasis and at Opis – how masterly the king addressed his men in both cases.

It is clear that Robin Lane Fox has a great admiration for Alexander and it shows but he also approaches this great king without prejudice and with a great effort to merely analyzing the facts. Considering that Alexander covered almost 20,000 kilometers in eight years coping with battles and sieges, crossing the widest rivers and the highest mountains, taking the responsibility to feed and care for one hundred thousand of people if we include the baggage train, Robin Lane Fox did an extremely good job to present Alexander as a human being, king, general and faithful friend.

Ancient Mycenaeans and Minoans genetically related

A serious hint in that direction was described by Maitland Edey in his book “The Lost World of the Aegean” in the mid-1970’s and thanks to a recent study we are most fortunate to obtain a confirmation of his theory through modern DNA analysis.

[Minoan woman dancing, in a fresco from 1600-1450 BC. 

Credit: Wikipedia/Photo by Wolfgang Sauber is licensed under CC BY-SA 3.0]

Over the centuries many theories have been elaborated and we are now able to establish that both Minoan and Mycenaean populations originated in Anatolia and moved west prior to the Bronze Age. The Minoans settled in Crete as early as five thousand years ago while the Mycenaeans reached mainland Greece a thousand years later. 

DNA samples were taken from the teeth of 19 remains that were positively identified as Minoans from Crete, Mycenaeans from mainland Greece and from people who lived in southwestern Anatolia. Thorough analysis and study show that the Minoans and the Mycenaeans are genetically very similar, although not identical and in the end, today’s Greeks are descendants of these Anatolian populations.

Researchers were even able to establish that the Minoans, Mycenaeans and modern Greeks are related to the ancient people living in the Caucasus, Iran and Armenia. The Mycenaeans have an additional though minor component in their genes linking them to Eastern Europe and northern Eurasia, whereas the Minoans are missing this genetic part.

Greeks on the mainland are somehow related to the ancient North Eurasians and the people from the Eastern European steppe before and after the time of the Minoans and the Mycenaeans. What’s more, modern Europeans also partially belong to the ancient North Eurasians.

All this means, that the Mycenaeans do not descend from a foreign population in the Aegean and that today’s Greeks do indeed descend from the Mycenaeans. The peoples of the Greek mainland possess all the ingredients of mixed ancient North Eurasians and Eastern Europe genes both before and after the appearance of the Minoans and the Mycenaeans. This may explain the relation of Greek speakers with their linguistic relatives elsewhere in Europe and Asia. We are all one big family! 

Looting of antiquities in Egypt

In recent years, we have been made aware of the widespread looting in war zones, especially in Syria, Afghanistan, and Iraq. However, looting in other countries has not subsided either, and Egypt is no exception.

The Egyptian Ministry of Antiquities started with the good news that they were working on inventorying some 5,000 artifacts from their Alexandria seaside warehouses. Until now, countless antiquities were stored in Egyptian warehouses, but the artifacts were never studied or documented. What a shame! How on earth can they keep track of what they have and what is being stolen or displaced?

[A fragment of an ancient Egyptian artifact is displayed at the opening of the Repatriated Objects exhibition at the Egyptian Museum in Cairo, Egypt, January 14, 2016. (photo by REUTERS/Asmaa Waguih)]

The problem is familiar, for the Archaeological Museum of Cairo started with the inspection and sorting of their basement not so long ago! Incredible but true. Egypt’s Supreme Council of Antiquities has revealed that there are no less than 72 archaeological warehouses, 35 of which belong to a museum, 20 are labeled as expedition warehouses, and another 17 are small on-site warehouses spread all over the country. So far, only 14 of these warehouses have been “inspected” – whatever that means.

It seems that a mere fraction of Egypt’s antiquities made it to a museum; all the other treasures resulting from decennia of excavations have simply been stored awaiting registration and restoration. Some speak of hundreds of thousands of neglected artifacts about which nothing is known and are making an easy target for thieves. This means there is much more to see and learn from these artifacts than in any museum. Who knows, some Alexander statue or cartouche may still be hidden somewhere?

Of course, these warehouses are guarded, but these people are unarmed, and often they cannot prevent theft. How authorities can still establish how many artifacts are being stolen from different locations is quite remarkable. The following is only a short list:

On September 12, 2013, 238 items were stolen from the Mit Rahina at Giza

On December 31, 2013, 96 small and rare antiquities disappeared from Aswan

On May 27, 2015, three fake lanterns replaced the originals that were removed from Old Cairo

On December 23, 2015, nine antiquities from the Pharaonic era disappeared from Buto

On February 11, 2016, 157 artifacts from the Saqqara era were stolen in Giza.

On April 30, 2016, a statue from the Middle Kingdom was replaced by a fake one at Mit Rahina in Giza

Decent security with modern means like camera surveillance must be implemented, especially when you realize that some of these warehouses have never been inspected. So it is no surprise to see treasures disappear to the black market. It is no news that when artifacts are documented in international libraries, it becomes much easier to recover them. 

One of the main problems, however, is the limited financial resources of the responsible ministries, and the decline in tourism combined with the difficult economic situation is not helping either.

The Philotas Affair – Part II – His judgment and execution

(Continued from The Philotas Affair – Part I – How the plot was revealed)

The following morning, all soldiers are called to assemble under arms. The corpse of Dymnus is brought in although out of sight of the army and finally, Alexander appears with a grave and sad look on his face. This is no small matter. He has to conduct the investigation and present the case before his Macedonians following the prevailing laws. Alexander’s speech is worthy of any plea held by the most accomplished lawyer – a masterpiece in the art of rhetoric (see: Alexander’s eloquence).

He starts by telling his soldiers how closely he escaped death. He shares his deep sorrow to have fallen victim to a conspiracy led by Parmenion, the eldest of his friends who enjoyed so many favors and so much prestige. His tool was his own son, Philotas, together with Peucolaüs and Demetrius, and Dymnus whose body is then made visible to the crowd. Laments and sounds of indignation arise.

At this point, the informants Nicomachus and Cebalinus together with Metron are brought forward and Alexander praises them for their courage as they go straight to his tent to warn him of the conspiracy. Philotas in an effort to keep the matter quiet must have had good reasons to do so, Alexander says. He then reads aloud a letter Parmenion had sent to his sons, Nicanor and Philotas, and which Alexander had intercepted. In this letter, Parmenion advised them to look out for themselves “for thus we shall accomplish what we have planned”. A sentence that had no meaning had the conspiracy not been disclosed. Alexander takes his plea a step further by confiding his hitherto personal skepticism about Philotas who had joined Amyntas (Alexander’s uncle who was under age when his father was killed on the battlefield, upon which Philip was chosen as Macedonia’s new king; with Philip’s death he could have claimed the throne) to make an impious plot against his life. He tells his soldiers how these acts have torn him apart – working on their sentiments.

Alexander proceeds by reminding his troops that he had put Philotas in command of his elite cavalry, entrusting his life, his hopes and victories to him. He had elected his father, Parmenion, to rule over Media with all its richness, a position that demanded integrity and respect for his king. Now his trust had been broken as he had fallen victim to such a shameful scheme!

We should remember that at this time Parmenion is in Ecbatana, holding the army’s supply line and guarding the huge treasury reaped from the Persian cities of Susa, Persepolis, and Pasargadae with a number of troops that equaled Alexander’s own manpower. Parmenion enjoyed great prestige while he served under Philip’s and led Alexander’s left wing in many decisive battles at the head of the foreign cavalry and mercenaries. It is obvious that an uprise or a coup led by Parmenion would have colossal consequences for Alexander!

Philotas is then brought forward with his hands tied behind his back to stand trial before the army. One can imagine the reaction of the Macedonians who had seen this great general having dinner with the king only the night before standing there as a wretched prisoner. Sensing that the army started to feel sorry for Philotas, general Amyntas held a harsh speech against the culprit, followed by Coenus who spoke even more vehemently accusing him of being a traitor to the king, his country, and the army.

The last person to speak was Philotas. Maybe he was dazed by the seriousness of the accusations, maybe he was truly weak after being questioned and/or tortured, and in any case, he burst into tears and fainted. When he was back on his feet, Alexander looked intently at him and reminded him that the Macedonians were about to pass judgment on him upon which he left the assembly. Philotas is on his own now.

It is clear that Philotas also reaped the fruits from Aristotle’s teaching at Mieza as his plea is as well constructed as Alexander’s. He starts working on the soldiers’ emotions right away by saying that it is easy to find words when innocent but difficult for a wretched man as he stands before them in fetters. He cleverly highlights the fact that none of the conspirators has named him, neither Nicomachus, nor Cebalinus, but despite that the king believes him guilty and the leader of the conspiracy. Dymnus, when he confided in Nicomachus named several men of great importance but left him out – how could that put him in charge?

In the depth of his own despair, Philotas presents his own defense by saying that he can only be found guilty for keeping silent about the matter when it was reported to him. Besides, Alexander pardoned him and gave him his right hand to restore their friendship. What made the king change his mind overnight? He, Philotas went to bed and was awoken by his arrestors from a sound sleep – not the sleep of someone whose conscience is tormented. After all, the report about the plot was revealed by a young boy who could present no proof or witness of his information, hence he believed that it was a lovers’ quarrel. And, supposing that he was really guilty of conspiracy, why would he have concealed the information for two days when he could easily have killed Cebalinus right away. After speaking with him, he nevertheless had entered the royal tent alone wearing his sword and yet he put off the deed?

His tone turns when he admits that he does not have the power of divination and pities those who have to live under a man who believes to be the son of Zeus – a serious hint towards Alexander’s latest godly descent which he obviously resents. He recalls the letter that Parmenion had sent to Alexander in Tarsus warning him that his doctor was ready to poison him with the potion to cure his illness – a warning Alexander ignored. So why would Alexander believe him when he announces the plot reported by Cebalinus? What should I have done, he asks the assembly, when the king both dismisses a warning and accuses me of not warning him?

But the assembled soldiers give vent to their frustration about Philotas' haughty conduct towards them and even accuse him of pretending not to speak or understand their very own Macedonian language. Tempers flare up high at this stage and they shout that the traitor deserves to be torn to pieces. At this crucial moment, Alexander reappears and adjourns the council to the next day.

Again, he meets with his friends who recommend that Philotas should be stoned to death in compliance with Macedonian law. Maybe that would be too simple, who knows, for Hephaistion, Craterus, and Coenus want to get to the bottom of this affair and wish for a confession by torture. After they set out to execute the torture, Alexander awaits the outcome in his tent till late that night.

As the appropriate instruments are laid out, Philotas admits immediately that he planned the murder – too afraid probably to undergo the torture, but Craterus is not impressed. They use fire and whiplashes till Philotas can no longer endure the suffering and concedes to tell everything he knows.

Meanwhile, unrest arose among those Macedonians more or less closely related to Philotas who feared for their lives as well. The commotion reaches the royal tent and Alexander makes a proclamation by which he remits the law providing the punishment of those related to the guilty party.

After yet another plea and to cut a long story short, Philotas confesses to the conspiracy. He even includes his father in the plan. Parmenion, being seventy years old, could not wait too long to take charge and that is why they decided to promptly carry out the design. By now, the torturers agree that all their questions have been answered and they return to Alexander who issues the order for Philotas’ words to be made public the next day in his very presence.

Philotas is put to death, either stoned or speared together with all those who had been named by Nicomachus. Parmenion had to be eliminated as well and Alexander writes a letter to three generals in Parmenion’s entourage (Cleander, Sitalces, and Menides) with orders to put him to death.

Well, this is basically Curtius’ (probably dramatized) version of the facts although it is not entirely shared by Arrian, Diodorus, and Plutarch. Their rendering of the conspiracy and the torture vary and it is unclear whether Philotas was only guilty of negligence or merely ignored Cebalinus’ information in the hope that the plot would succeed, which would work in his favor. In any case, Curtius gives an excellent assessment of the general mood in the Macedonian camp that remained seriously divided after this.

To remember that this treachery was brought to a good end – at least for Alexander – Alexandria in Drangiana is renamed Alexandria Prophtasia, appropriately meaning “Anticipation” since Alexander anticipated the widespread consequences of the plot and acted before others could attack him.

[Pictures from Oliver Stone's movie Alexander are from Movie Screen Shots and The World of Alexander the Great]

The Philotas Affair – Part I – How the plot was revealed

In 330 BC when encamped at Phrada (modern Fara in Afghanistan) also called Alexandria-in-Drangiana, Philotas was accused of conspiracy against Alexander. A similar accusation had been brought to Alexander’s attention before when he was in Egypt by Antigone, Philotas’ mistress but at that time he had refused to believe it. This time, however, there was solid proof and one of the accusers included Coenus, who was married to Philotas’ sister.

Curtius, as usual, gives by far the most detailed report which by itself reads like the script for a thriller. The story starts with a certain Dymnus, a man of little importance, who was madly in love with young Nicomachus and anxious to bind him to his person. He lures him into the temple saying that he has something very important and confidential to share with him. Under the spell of his deep affection, Dymnus demands his lover to pledge under oath to keep silent what he is about to disclose, and Nicomachus, not expecting anything incumbent, complies. Satisfied, Dymnus then tells him that a plot against Alexander has been arranged and will be executed in three days’ time, adding, to give himself more importance, that he shares the plan with some brave and distinguished men. The young man’s reaction, however, is pure horror and he immediately tells Dymnus that he cannot take part in such treason and cannot be bound by his oath to the gods to keep such a crime secret!

Dymnus is furious, hurt in his love, and fearing betrayal he begs him to take part in the plot; if he cannot do this, at least he should not betray him for, after all, he trusted him with his life. As Nicomachus stubbornly continues to express his abhorrence of the crime, Dymnus tries to frighten him by saying that the conspirators would take his life before taking that of their king. To no avail. Dymnus then tries every trick of the trade to convince him. He goes as far as to pull his sword, pointing it to his lover’s throat, then to his own, and in the end forces him to promise his silence as well as his support.

In reality, Nicomachus has not changed his mind; he just pretends to go along saying that out of love for Dymnus he could not refuse, and then inquires about the other associates in this highly important matter. Dymnus congratulates him on his decision to join the other conspirators like Demetrius (belonging to Alexander’s bodyguard), Peucolaüs, Nicanor, and also men like Aphobetus, Iolaus, Theoxenus, Archepolis and Amyntas.

Imagine the load resting on Nicomachus’ shoulders at this point! He simply cannot ignore the information he has been entrusted with and shares it with his brother, Cebalinus. In order not to make Nicomachus suspicious of betrayal by going to Alexander, Cebalinus enters the vestibule of Alexander’s tent where he waits for one of the king’s friends to appear. It happens to be Philotas and Cebalinus reveals the plot to him, insisting that he should tell Alexander at once. Philotas remains with Alexander for some time but does not mention the conspiracy. When Cebalinus meets Philotas later that night and inquires if he has done what he requested, Philotas simply states that Alexander had no time to talk with him and he walks away. The next day, Cebalinus once again is near Alexander’s tent when Philotas is on his way in and he reminds him of this most serious issue. Philotas answers that he is attending to it, but again does nothing.

At this point, Cebalinus becomes suspicious of Philotas and decides to talk to one of the king’s Pages. He approaches Metron who is in charge of the armory. Metron instantly understands the urgency and seriousness of the matter and goes to Alexander while he is bathing. Alexander immediately orders Dymnus to be arrested and walks into the armory where Cebalinus had hidden pending the king’s reaction. Alexander, of course, wants to know all the details and in particular when Nicomachus had given him the information. Upon learning that it was two days ago, Alexander puts Cebalinus in fetters upon which the poor boy shouts that had informed Philotas without any delay and that it was he who had withheld the news. Accusing Philotas, one of the king’s Companions and trusted friends was unheard of and Alexander keeps on questioning Nicomachus who time and again retells the same story.

At this point, Dymnus is to be brought before Alexander. Dymnus, however, as soon as he learned that he was called to Alexander's tent, had wounded himself with his sword and by the time he stood before his king his speech already failed him, he swooned and died. This certainly confirmed the man’s guilt.

Philotas too was summoned to the royal tent. Imagine the commotion that has risen by now! Alexander confronts him with the words reported to him by Cebalinus, adding that if he had indeed concealed the conspiracy for two days the man deserved the extreme penalty but since he insists that he immediately reported the information to him, Philotas, the general has some explaining to do. Philotas is in no way disturbed by these words and replies that Cebalinus had indeed spoken to him but that he had not given the matter any credibility and had dismissed it as a quarrel between a lover and his favorite. Yet the suicide of Dymnus proves otherwise.

At this stage, Philotas throws his arms around Alexander begging him to consider his past deeds rather than finding fault for his silence. It is uncertain at this stage whether Alexander believes him or not, in any case, he offers Philotas his right hand saying that the information seemed to have been rejected and not concealed. But clearly, Alexander didn’t take the matter as lightly as he made Philotas believe and shortly afterward he called a meeting with his friends of which Philotas is excluded. Nicomachus is brought in and he confirms the story as reported by his brother before.

Craterus, an important rival of Philotas reminds the king of the general’s repeated bragging about his own valor and accomplishments and accuses him of arrogance. Taking advantage of this situation, Craterus underscores that Philotas would always be able to plot against him and Alexander will not always be able to pardon him. The other Companions have no doubt that Philotas would not have blurred evidence of the conspiracy unless he was closely involved. If truly a loyal friend, Philotas would have hastened to his king as soon as heard about this conspiracy. After all, Philotas had spent the whole day in amusement and allegedly had found no room to place a few words about the life and death of his king. Even if he had not taken Cebalinus seriously, why excuse himself by saying there had been no opportunity to bring the matter to Alexander’s attention?

The charges were clear and all parties present decided that Philotas should be tortured in order to obtain the names of the conspirators. Alexander dismisses his Companions with instructions to keep silent about this plan. He then issues orders that the army should prepare for a march the next day, keeping everyone in a state of alert. As a masterly strategist and a true poker player, Alexander invites Philotas to a banquet entertains him, and talks to him familiarly as usual.

That night, when the lights have been put out Alexander’s trusted friends gather in his tent. Among them are Hephaistion, Craterus, Coenus, and Erigyius, as well as Perdiccas and Leonnatus. The order is given to those standing on guard at the king’s tent to remain on watch and under arms. The cavalry already was stationed at all the camp’s entrances with instructions to let nobody in or out. With these safety measures in place, a certain Atarrhias is summoned to the royal tent with 300 armed men and men-at-arms. The latest is sent out to arrest the known conspirators while Atarrhias and his men have orders to apprehend Philotas. With fifty of his bravest soldiers, he breaks into his quarters while the rest of them surround the house to thwart any possible escape. Atarrhias finds Philotas in deep sleep, puts him in chains, and leads him to Alexander.

Sources do not concur on what happens next. It is not certain whether Philotas was tortured or not to extract his confession that he and his father wanted to kill Alexander. 

... to be continued in The Philotas Affair – Part II – His judgment and execution

[Pictures from Oliver Stone's movie Alexander are from Movie Screen Shots]

Bringing Greek theater and Euripides back to life

The classical theater of the Getty Villa and the English translation of Iphigenia in Aulis by Euripides is for many of us the closest we can get to sitting in a real Greek theater and watching a true Greek tragedy.

Euripides was well-known to Alexander who could quote parts of his many plays. He was a prolific writer and about ninety of his plays are known to us, although only nineteen of them have survived.

It was only one year after Euripides’ death that his Iphigenia in Aulis was performed for the first time in Athens during the Great Dionysus Festival. Aristotle kindly referred to Euripides as “the most tragic of poets” which I find not surprising remembering how I couldn’t help weeping the first time I saw the film version of Iphigenia directed by Michael Cacoyannis with music by Mikis Theodorakis.

The scene is set on the shores of Aulis where Agamemnon, king of Sparta, is ready to sail his fleet to Troy in order to assist his brother Menelaus in recovering his wife, the beautiful Helena. Agamemnon’s ships are, however, waiting in vain for favorable winds to blow them east to Troy. The goddess Artemis is consulted and in order for the winds to return, she demands the ultimate a sacrifice from Agamemnon: he is to sacrifice his eldest daughter Iphigenia. It is a family tragedy played to the extreme that moved people then and still moves us now so many centuries onwards.

From September 7 till September 30, 2017, this tragedy will be performed every Thursday and every Saturday at the Getty Villa. For more information, please click on the Getty Villa site.

[Poster is from Getty Villa]